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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 


AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

VOLUME 3 


THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 


PLINY EARLE GODDARD 


BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
JUNE, 1905 


iilonograpfo' 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 


THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 


A THESIS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE 
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED IN 1904 BY 

PLINY EARLE GODDARD 

<> 


BERKELEY 
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
1905 


A 


w 

JUI 





TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction. 9 

Nouns . 13 

Classified according to Form and Length. 13 

Monosyllabic . 13 

Monosyllabic with Possessive Prefix. 14 

Polysyllabic, without Descriptive Meaning. 16 

Formed by Means of Suffixes and Composition. 17 

Suffixes . 17 

Compounds . 19 

Verbs as Nouns. 21 

Active . 21 

Passive . 21 

Compounded with Nouns. 22 

With Prefixes. 22 

With Suffixes. 23 

Compounds with Suffixes. 23 

Plurals . 24 

Cases . 24 

Temporal Endings. 28 

Pronouns . 29 

Personal . 29 

Possessives . 30 

Demonstratives . 31 

Relatives . 31 

Interrogatives . 31 

Article . 31 

Adjective Pronouns. 32 

Numerals . 32 

Adjectives . 33 

Comparison . 34 

Verbs . 34 

Classified . 34 

Transitive and Intransitive . 34 

Classes . 34 

Voice . 35 

Modes and Tenses. 36 

Person and Number. 37 

Structure . 37 

Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root). 39 

Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction. 39 

Prefixes of Pursuit . 66 

Adverbial Prefixes of Manner. 67 

Prefixes Expressing Identity. 77 

Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time.... 78 













































6 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Verbs ( continued ). page 

Conjugations (based on syllable preceding the root). 95 

Class I. 96 

Conjugation 1 a. 96 

Conjugation 1 b. 104 

Conjugation lc. 109 

Conjugation Id. 112 

Conjugation 1 e. 114 

Conjugation 2. 116 

Conjugation 3 a. 122 

Conjugation 3 b. 131 

Conjugation 4. 134 

Class II . 140 

Conjugation 1 a. 140 

Conjugation 1 b. 142 

Conjugation lc. 145 

Conjugation Id. 147 

Conjugation 2. 149 

Conjugation 3 a. 152 

Conjugation 3 b. 155 

Conjugation 4. 159 

Class III . 161 

Conjugation 1. 161 

Conjugation 2. 165 

Conjugation 3. 168 

Class IV . 170 

Conjugation 1. 170 

Conjugation 3. 174 

Objective Conjugation . 177 

Conjugation of the Passive Voice. 193 

Conjugation of Irregular Verbs. 196 

Conjugation of Adjectives. 200 

Roots .v. 203 

Listed in Alphabetical Order. 203 

Classified as to their Form. 286 

Classified as to their Meaning. 297 

Suffixes . 304 

Temporal . 304 

Temporal-Modal . 313 

Modal . 319 

Indicating the Source of Information.322 

Conjunctional . 326 

Adverbial . 327 

Adverbs . 328 

Place and Direction. 328 

Time and Sequence. 333 

Manner . 335 
















































VoL - 3 1 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hapa Language. 


7 


Adverbs ( continued ). page 

Degree . 337 

Assent and Negation. 338 

Prepositions . 339 

Conjunctions . 343 

Interjections . 343 

Conclusion . 344 


KEY TO THE SOUNDS REPRESENTED BY THE 
CHARACTERS USED. 

a as in father. 

a nearly of the same quality, but of longer duration. It is used 
as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words 
from others nearly like them, 
ai as in aisle, 
e as in net. 

e as in they but lacking the vanish, 
ei the sound of e followed by a vanish, 
i as in pin. 
i as in pique. 

6 as in note. 

o a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on. 
oi as in boil, 
u as in rule. 

u nearly as in but, a little nearer to a. 

0 a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting, 
y as in yes. 
w as in will. 

w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables. 
When it follows vowels other than 5 or u it is preceded by 
a glide and is accordingly written uw. 
h w the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the sound 
of wh in who. 

1 as in let. 

l an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against 
the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely 
at one side of the tongue. 









8 University of California Publications. 1 Am - Arch. Eth. 

L nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held 
more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher 
sound often beginning with a slight explosion. Some 
speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi¬ 
tion. 

m as in English. 

n usually as in English, but sometimes very short, 
n as ng in sing. 

h as in English but somewhat stronger, 
x has the sound of jota in Spanish, 
s as in sit. 

z the corresponding voiced continuant; only after d and rare, 
c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t. 
d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth. 

t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi¬ 
tion of d. 

t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with 
difficulty. 

k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of 
the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and i a glide is 
noticeable and has been written as y. 
g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rarely, 
k when written before a back vowel (a, o, o, u, u) without a 
following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c 
in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound 
is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound, 
q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels, 
tc as ch in church. 

dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in 
English. 

The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regard 
to their possible morphological force, have been separated by 
spaces thinner than those employed between words. 


THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 


INTRODUCTION. 

The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home by 
the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their name 
is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few 
miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the 
Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this 
section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own 
traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their 
myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here, 
as the tree springs from the soil. 

At the taking of the first census in 1866 there were reported 
to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact 
with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whom their 
* old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding 
their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older 
people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the 
few English words they know when communication with 
white people is necessary. The younger people all employ the 
Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each 
other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse 
with white people. 

The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Karok 
on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south 
and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift, 
comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun¬ 
tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the 


Am. Akch. Eth. 3 2. 



10 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


traveler into places in which might lurk the foe, man or beast. 
There was little necessity for travel. The salmon came up the 
river in abundant numbers to the nets of the waiting fisherman. 
The deer and elk, unlike the buffalo, wandered but short dis¬ 
tances from their accustomed feeding grounds. 

Trade, never extensive, was carried on by canoes with the 
Yurok along the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In 
return for seaweed, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea- 
fish, the Hupa supplied the coast peoples with acorns and other 
inland foods. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa 
and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another’s 
dances, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con¬ 
tests which followed them. Since these people spoke languages 
totally different, communication was necessarily carried on by 
and through those who knew both languages. 

That the Hupa language differs widely from the other lan¬ 
guages of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident. 
How much of this difference is due directly to the non-Atha¬ 
pascan Yurok, with whom they were so intimate, and how much 
is due to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly 
taking place in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at 
present. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character, 
several changes in the consonants and vowels having taken place; 
in the vocabulary, many new nouns, especially, having arisen; 
and morphologically, verb forms having been multiplied and 
extended. 

On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific 
Division of the Athapascan are rather closely connected and 
grade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the 
Umpqua, in Oregon, southward to the Klamath, where their ter¬ 
ritory was cut through by the Yurok and Wishosk. South of these 
peoples they occupied most of the valleys of Mad and Eel rivers, 
as well as the intervening mountains and the coast as far as Usal. 

There is no published account of other languages of this divi¬ 
sion. Some material in manuscript, not yet thoroughly digested, 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


11 


is in the possession of the Department of Anthropology concern¬ 
ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California, 
and the Wailaki and Lassik dialects spoken on the upper waters 
of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino 
counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the 
Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand. 

Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan 
we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction- 
naire de la Langue Dene-Dinjie, par le R. P. E. Petitot, 1 who 
was for many years a missionary among the peoples near the 
mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a 
comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is 
given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in the 
above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a 
paper entitled, ‘ 1 The Dene Languages, ’ ’ published in the Trans¬ 
actions of the Canadian Institute, Yol. I, March, 1891. 

The linguistic material concerning the Southern Division is 
exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a 
few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho religion, 
but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce 
the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The 
Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language 
and culture. 

The sources of information for the matter published in this 
paper have been two. The Hupa Texts, 2 collected and published 
largely for the purpose, have furnished many forms of the gram¬ 
mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are 
lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial 
forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of 
questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts. 

1 Bibliotheque de Linguistique et d ’Ethnographie Amerieaines, Yol. 2, 
Paris, 1876. 

2 Hupa Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, University of California Publica¬ 
tions, American Archaeology and Ethnology, Yol. 1, No. 2. The numbers 
given after the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of 
Volume 1 of this series. 



12 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by 
means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the 
language; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing 
part. Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes, 
that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be 
obtained. 

In the presentation of the morphological facts the number of 
examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may 
be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may 
be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid 
to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to 
obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different 
from those to which they were originally applied. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


13 


NOUNS. 

CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO FORM AND LENGTH. 

The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according 
to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes. 

MONOSYLLABIC. 

There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part, names 
of common material objects and elements. These words and 
others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate 
languages. Some of them are the following: 

a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8. 

es, fish trap, cf. es tcin. 208-5. 

ya, lice. 151-10. 

yon, corner, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6. 
la, a seaweed, Porphyra perforata. 31. 

Lin, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8. 

Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7. 

L5l, a strap. 278-9. 

Lon, mouse. 153-15. 

Lok, fish, salmon. 98-7. 
luw, rattlesnake. 195-8. 

Lo, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4. 

Lu w, alder. 341-14. 

mi, weather spirit. 79, 271-3. 

mintc, a hut. 17. 

munk, lake, pond. 100-7. 

nin, ground, the earth. 

hwa, sun, moon. 104-10. 

hwin, song. 315-5. 

xai, winter. 198-1. 

xai, root of conifer. 39, 41. 

xon, fire. 104-15. 

xaiu, load, burden. 105-16, 171-17. 

xun, river. 265-9, 200-9. 

sats, bear. 276-1, 198-7. 

sits, skin, bark. 97-4. 

dje, pitch. 150-11. 


14 


University of California Publications. [ A - M - Arch - Eth - 


tan, gods of the deer. 77. 

te, blanket. 190-4, 204-7. 

teuw, coal, charcoal. 114-4. 

tin, road, trail. 102-8, 106-15, 121-7. 

tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11. 

to, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4. 

tse, stone. 197-1. 

tse, brush, fence. 176-9. 

tseuk, fur for tying hair. 247.-14. 

tcint, dead things. 346-5. 

tcwal, frog, toad ( ? ). 164-13, 196-1. 

tewiltc, huckleberry. 32. 

tcwitc, wood, firewood. 157-2. 

tcwun, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3. 

kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14. 

kin, a game. 61. 

kos, bulbs. 110-5. 

kut, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41. 
kya, woman’s dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8. 
kyots, sinew. 97-4, 288-5. 
qo, worm. 

MONOSYLLABIC. WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX. 

Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with¬ 
out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class, 
seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of 
them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They 
are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos¬ 
sessions, and terms of relationship, 
adilla, her hand. 307-2. 
adimmit, her own belly. 276-5. 
a dit fa, (in) his sack. 152-9, 282-6. 
a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2. 
iLde, sisters (of each other). 169-1. 

LiLLin, brothers (of each other). 140-9. 
minnin, its face. 115-15. 
mit tseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-4. 
mittsin, its meat. 208-13. 


You 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 

mitctcwo, grandmother. 136-12. 

mikke, its tail. 283-1(5. 

mikkil, her brother. 189-13. 

mikkin, its base. 230-6. 

mun tcwin, 1 their mother. 135-10, 229-12, 

ne xun, your husband. 210-11. 

nit dje, your mind. 351-9. 

nit tai, your paternal uncle. 237-3. 

ndta, our father. 192-9. 

hwauw, my sister ’s boy. 120-14. 

hwim mit, my belly. 112-17'. 

hwinnin, my face. 247-12. 

hwuiv xai, my boy. 137-5. 

hirit dje, my mind. 296d3. 

hwikkai, my brother-in-law. 142-14 

httmn tcwin, my mother. 181-9; 

xoi kil, his younger brother. 150-1, 332-1. 

xoikyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5. 

xoikyon, her odor. 165-4. 

xoikkyun, his mind. 102-16. 

xou t, his wife. 117-15,195-1. 

xo la, his hand. 96-4. 

xo mit, her belly. 102-15. 

xonna, his eyes. 105-15. 

xonnin, his face. 174-8. 

xoxa, his tracks. 159-4 

xo xai, her boy. 139-9. 

xo xun, her husband. 305-11. 

x5dje, his mind. 307-9. 

xota, his father. 169-1. 

xdtda, his mouth. 112-14, 113-18. 

xotdetc, her sister. 169<-13. 

xotse, his daughter. 237-1. 

xottseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-7. 

xot tsel, his biceps. 139-13. 

xotctcitc, his elbows. 347-8. 

‘This word and htnun tcwin below point to dissylabic base, 
probably connected with the root -tcwe, to make. 


15 


un tcwin 



16 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


xotcwo, his grandmother. 290-2. 
xokyun, his breast. 301-1. 

ketse, somebody’s penis (severed from the body). 171-3. 
kekai, somebody’s thigh. 171-7. 
kutc tcwo, its grandmother. 100-16. 

POLYSYLLABIC WITHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING. 

A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables, 
evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them¬ 
selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the 
designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are 
the following. 

is de au, madrona. 96-11. 
isdits, strings (verbal?). 144-7. 
yiuxai, mornings (verbal?). 255-17. 
wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13. 

Lit tcuw, sand. 117-16. 

min tsit da, smokehole. 136-3. 

min kil en, menstruating women. 253-6. 

mis dje, fog. 244-6. 

na dl yau, dentalia. 208-13. 

na tses, arrows. 139-12. 

niskin, Douglas spruce. 152-16. 

no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7. 

xai tsa, basket-bucket. 110-16. 

xeakai, baby-basket. 289-17. 

xo is dai, man. 136-15. 

xo Lit, noise. 241-2. 

xon ta, house. 97-13. 

xos saik, abalones. 347-17. 

din nuw, manzanita. 200-3. 

din nai, arrowpoint. 119-3. 

dit tsik, acorns. 137-15. 

dje 16, storage basket. 151-12. 

tai kyuw, sweathouse. 98-15. 

tea. xutc, girl. 189-8. 

tis mil, eagle. 114-8. 

tsiL tin, bow. 139-12. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


17 


tcuw hivuw, elder sticks. 118-1. 

kailuw, willow. 197-2. 

keL tsan, maiden. 135-2. 

kixxak, net. 256-7. 

kit to, paddle (verbal?). 314-4. 

kos tan, hat. 209-4. 

kyukka, deer fat. 164-10. 

FORMED BY MEANS OF SUFFIXES AND COMPOSITION. 

There is a large and increasing number of nouns, formed by 
suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever 
present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase 
of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had, 
for a name, the name of some object or animal; and the intro¬ 
duction of new things by the white people. 1 

Suffixes. 

Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The 
inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by 
suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality. 

Lomittaxoi, prairies among people, New River people. 

110 - 12 . 

natinnoxxoi, Hupa Indians. 
xolLkutxoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12. 
kit don xoi, people having evil power. 181-1. 

A suffix, which does not appear as a verb, signifies that the 
plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named. 

yin ne tau, in the ground they are; a bulb. 135-2. 
xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14. 
xoLtsaitau, dry places he lives; a land monster. 114-18. 
xonteLtau, glades, he frequents; coyote. 151-8. 

Augmentatives are made by the suffix -kyo, which is evidently 
connected with the adjective nikkyao. Its use is frequent to 
distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble 
each other. 

1 Compare Amer. Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209; and Life 
and Culture of the Hupa, p. 73. 



18 


University of Calif ornia Publications. C Am - A 1103 * Eth. 


selkyo, Heracleum lanatum. 31. 

Ml we kyo, spider. 151-13. KiLwe is a small enemy of 
mankind. 1 

kiLmukkyo, Aralia Calif ornica. 
kiL dik kik kyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-7. 
kos kyo, Chlorogalum pomeridanum. 109-12. 
tcimmulkyb, an herb. 295-footnote. 

Diminutives are formed by adding -itc or -tc to the noun, 
isdewitc, Heteromeles arbutifolia; from isdeau, the 
madrona, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles. 
Littsowitc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7. 

Lodaitc, an herb. 310-10. 

Lokatc, a straw. 158-6. 
medilitc, a small canoe. 102-9. 
miL tcoL waltc, a small axe, hatchet. 198-8. 
minditc, wildcat. 222-12. Panther formerly had the 
corresponding augmentative for a name. 
naLtsisitc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 288-6. 
nis sate din, a little way. 234-5. Compare, nissa, a 
long way. 

djelotc, a small djelo, a storage basket. 158-13 
Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yautc. 
Lokiyauw, small salmon. 
niLtukyauw, young black oaks. 362-17. 
tcim me yau w, young Douglas spruce. 283-7. 

A suffix -newan is a very fruitful source of new nouns, 
xonnewan, fire like. 329-10. 
to ne wan, water like; glass, black obsidian. 10,8-2. 
tsel ne wan, blood like; red obsidian. 180-11. 
kim mit ne wan, belly like; watermelon, 
kit tsai xul ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 
qonewan, worm like; rice. 

Compare, no nin Luk ne wan, dough put on the ground 
like, 209-4, and xot tsin ne wan, carefully. 142-5. 
Certain adverbial suffixes of place furnish secondary nouns. 
Littcuwdin, sand place, a village. 169-1. 


1 Compare Life and Culture, p. 64. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


19 


rail la kin ta, its hand bases; its wrists. 215-2. 
niLtukalai, black oak tops among; a dancing place 
among oaks. 174-5. 

xon ta din, house place; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5. 
to din, water place; the river. 

tse din, brush place; a. grave (from the ancient practice 
of fencing graves with brush). 176-8. 
mis kut, a slide on ; a Hupa village. 105-4. 
kin tcuu’ hank kut, its nose on; a Hupa village situated 
on a nose-like ridge. 135-1. 


Compounds. 

a) A few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition 
without a subordinating possessive prefix. 

The second noun qualifies the first. 
luw xan, snake river; eel. 98-13. 

Lo tse, grass stone; a sedge. 100-8. 

The first noun qualifies the second. 

hauL tsiL tin Lol, my bow string. 153-15. 
xon na fun, his eye leaves ( ? ); his eyebrows. 362-11. 
xotsindukkan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1. 
kin nan dun tse, kinaLdun stick. 238-7. 
kixxakkin, net pole. 257-6. 

b) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which 
has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second. 

xon na kut to, her eyes their water; her tears. 245-11. 

din nuw mu wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3. 

dindai mitctcwo, flint its grandmother; a bird. 182-1. 

tin muwa, trail its edge. 121-7. 

kai luw muk kut de, willow its root. 197-2. 

ki yama me de ai, bird its scalp, woodpecker’s scalp. 187-5. 

kiL La xun mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1. 

c) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele¬ 
ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it. 

yauLkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1. 

niLtewindilmai, niLtcwin gray; an herb. 283-8. 


20 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


nin nis an Luk kai, mountain white; Mount Shasta. 328-1. 
tittauLukkai, tittau white; a bird. 144-10. 
to nuw hwon din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon. 
245-17. 

tun. tcwin, leaves fragrant; pepper wood. 271-9. 
tseLkai, stone white; a white knife. 101-1. 
tseLittsd, stone blue; a hard bluish stone. 114-17. 
tse Lit tso, brush blue; Ceanothus integerrimus. 319-8. 
tsoyoLtel, ( ? ) wide. 223-8. 

d) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol¬ 
lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessive 
prefixes. These words, while performing the office of substan¬ 
tives, really qualify a subject understood. 

min tcuw mil, its nose pierced ( ? ) ; yellow-hammer. 
113-12. 

mis sa niL tcwin, its mouth stinks; buzzard. 113-17. 
mite tewun tuL tan, its dung soft; fox. 143-12. 
xon teuw ditc tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac¬ 
ter. 150-1. 

kim miL na tul tcu wol, its foot round; bob-cat. 143-6. 
kit tun dun qotc, its leaves sour; Oxalis Oregana. 121-12. 
kittsaiLkai, its ( ? ) white; bluejay. 1 2 120-13. 

e) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for 
their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or 
lack of some part or quality. 

mex xon tau xo len, its house it has; wood-rat. 152-9. 
mislutxolen, folds having. 364-14. 
mite dje xo len, its pitch abundant; Pinus Lambertiana. 
110-15. 

mite dje e din, its mind lacking; a baby. 101-14. 
mite tcil le xo len, their wings they have. 317-3. 
mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have; does. 310-2. 
mux xa tee xo len, its roots abundant; Leptotaenia Cali¬ 
fornia. 


1 For the first element, compare, kit tsai xul ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 

2 Compare, xonta e din, house without. 192-14. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


21 


VERBS AS NOUNS. 

Any verb in the third person present, of the active or passive 
voice, seems capable of becoming a nonn without changing its 
form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive 
substantives. 

Active. 

na I ya, it comes down; rain, or it is raining. 229-3. 

nas dik, over the ground it creeps; yerba buena. 364-15. 

nakedilyai, on each side they hang(?) ; beads. 190-10. 

nillin, it flows; a creek. 119-17. 

nis tan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4. 

no tan a; big lagoon. 117-7. 

nundil, they come down; snow. 170-10. Compare, 
na I ya above. 

xoi de il lu, they attack; a war company. 332-5. 
xotdantce, it blows down; a wind. 227-4. 
xunneuw, it speaks; language. 110-10. 
dukkan, it is on edge; a mountain ridge. 137-9. 
tes deL, they came; hoar frost. 270-5. 
tcinwal, he shakes; the kinaLdun dance. 366-2. 
tcitdilye, they dance; a dance. 
tciL tal, he stamps with his foot; a dance. 366-2. 
kaitimmiL, he carries along; a wood-basket. 363-11. 
ken nuw; thunder. 144-4. 

kisseaqot, he works with a needle ( ? ) ; a net-headdress. 
159-9. 


Passive. 

yai kyu wil tats, they have been cut in strips; a blanket or 
dress of strips. 207-5. 

wil loi, that which has been tied; a bundle. 210-3. 

Le na wil la, they have been laid together; a fire. 109-10. 
na ul mats, around it has been coiled; a coil. 151-13. 
na xo wil loi, around him it is tied; a belt. 209-6. 
no na wit tan, a long object placed; a door or cover of 
boards. 203-9. 

da kyu we wit tan; fishing board. 


22 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth. 


talkait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing 
board. 119-18. 

kinnalmats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 191-3. 
kinnakyuwilmats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 
191-4. 

kit Loi, it is twined; a basket. 103-7. 

Compounded with Nouns. 

Compounds are formed with a noun for the first element, as 
subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a 
verb. 

estcinnauw, fish-trap ( ? ) it comes in; a swimming deer. 
162-1. 

nax ke kos na du wul, two its necks waving around; a 
monster. 163-12. 

Lekonte dittille, salt it likes; wild goose. 

Lok yit dit til le, fish it likes; otter. 144-8. 
sa lute, they are put in the mouth; food consisting of the 
green stems of herbs. 

sa xauw, liquid is put in the mouth; acorn soup, 
na dl yau kiL tcwe, dentalia maker. 325-9. 

With Prefixes. 

Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and 
manner make substantives out of verbs. 

meuna sittan, under it sits; a head-dress. 211-12. 
me dil, in they go; a canoe. 101-12. 
min xo wit loi, with it he is tied; his belt. 120-2. 
miL da kit diL dil, with it she ,shakes ( ? ) ; a winnowing 
basket. 365-10. 

miL tcoL waltc, with it he chops; an axe. 198-8. 
miL kit tuk kutc, with it he plays shinny; a shinny stick. 
143-5. 

miL kyu wo hu?al, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16. 
miL kyo xait, with it one buys; money. 145-3. 
muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven; hazel basket ribs. 290-6. 
nis tan ka kit tuk gow, log along he runs; pine-martin. 
222 - 12 . 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


23 


nawitditstinnauw, in a circle it goes around; a whirl¬ 
pool. 120-3. 

nin nu win na kis ten, world around it lies; earthquake. 
143-16. 

xo muk kut tsis dai, his on it he sits; his stool. 292-3. 
tekyoxolxut, from the water; a monster. 328-4. 
tseuk ka yan ai, on a stone he sits; ground-squirrel. 222-11 
kiLnadil, with them they travel; a wolf. 174-7. 

With Suffixes. 

Suffixes of location furnish names of places 

Lei din, the flowing together place; village at the junction 
of the main Trinity and its south fork. 105-13. 

Le nal din, the flowing together a second time place; the 
junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16. 

Nail lit din, fire runs over the ground place; a village 
west of the Klamath river. 158-2. 
nanatuLdin, the stepping down place; at the foot of 
the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2 
natetsedin, the pushing back place; the sliding door¬ 
way. 97-17. 

TakimmiLdin, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa 
village. 104-10. 

Muk ka na du wul a din, upon it they come and go; the 
beach at the mouth of the Klamath, descriptive of 
the surf. 355-5. 

Compounds with Suffixes. 

Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location 
to form place names. 

Sa xa uw sai ke xautu din, soup eating place. 226-8. 
Djictanadin, Djic ( ? ) projects place. 104-5. 
Tononatein, water’s end toward. 243-5. 

Tse non a din, stone end place. 354-5. 

Tcwitc no nin a din, wood across place; place of fish dam. 
353-14. 

Ki yauw non diu din, birds stop place. 199-5. 


24 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch. Eth. 


PLURALS. 

The only Hupa nouns which change their form to indicate 
the plural are those which classify human beings according to 
their sex and state in life; and terms of relationship. 

Only three instances of the first case have been noted. 

keLtsan, virgin, maiden; plural keLtsun. 135-2, 138-5. 
tsummesLdn, a fully grown woman; plural tsummes- 
Lon. 98-9, 280-4. 

xuxxai, a child; xuxxaix, children. 220-10, 164-16. 

But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals. 1 
nik kil, your brother; nik kil xai, your brothers. 191-13, 
191-18. 

hwittsoi, my grandchild; hwnttsoixai, my grandchil¬ 
dren. 222-14. 

xoLtistce, his sister; xol tis tee xai, his sisters. 208-12. 

CASES. 

To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele¬ 
ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances, 
there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the 
word ends in a consonant or close vowel; or by a vowel making a 
diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most 
words under this condition were once so extended and have been 
curtailed. 

Nouns beginning with l change that sound to the voiced 1 on 
receiving the prefix. 2 

mil lit de, their smoke; Lit, smoke. 116-1,3. 
mitLowe, its herb; Lo, herb, grass. 287-7,215-5. 
mittsinne, its bones; kittsin, something’s bones. 171-13. 
mik kix xak ka, their nets; kix xak, a net. 99-6. 
muwitwatde, its flour; witwat, flour. 200-3. 
muk kut de, its roots; kut, a root. 197-2. 
nolinke, our pets; Lin, a pet, dog. 115-2. 
no xon tau, our house; xon ta, a house. 192-9. 

1 Compare the similar limited use of the plural and manner of its forma¬ 
tion among the Carrier. Rev. Father Morice, Transactions of the Canadian 
Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 184. 

2 Rev. Father Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier. 
Trans, of the Canadian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 183. 



V°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


25 


hwril 15 ka, my salmon; Lok, salmon. 100-6, 15. 
xolinke, his pet; Lin, a pet. 115-11. 
xohmnne, her song; hwin, a song. 333-9. 
xoxontau, his house; xonta, a house. 117-16. 
xotitse, his cane; tits, cane. 150-8. 

There are several suffixes in the Hupa language which might 
be looked upon as case endings since they are not permanent 
parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary¬ 
ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also 
prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are 
joined to a possessive pronoun with which they form a word 
standing after the nouns to which they relate. 

One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a 
house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or 
glade in a forest. 

Is din name, a place. 324-1. 

Yastsimme, a place. 270-1. 

Lohwunme, a place. 299-13. 

Munkutme, lake place. 328-3. 
niLtcwinme, a feather case. 288-3. 
hunttadime, my chest. 247-14. 

Xaiyame, a place. 253-4. 

Xaisdilme, a place. 300-2. / 

xonta me, house in. 278-8. 

xon teL me, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xon teL tau. 
Djeloome, a mountain. 299-8. 
tai kyuw me sweat-house in. 363-7. 

Tanaime, a mountain. 300-12. 

Tseyeme, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tseyedin. 

208-6. 

Tse nin me, a place. 299-3. 

Kauw kyu wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3. 

Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex¬ 
pressed by a noun with the ending -din. 

Il ba la din, a place. 364-16. 

Lei din, a place. 105-13. 

Le nal din, a place. 158-16. 

Littcmcdin, a place. 169-1. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 3. 


26 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Lok na sa un din, a place. 317-7. 

me din nun din, at one side. 361-17. 

me tsa xo sin din, bad places. 302-7. 

min nin xun din, by the sweat-house entrance. 115-7. 

mis xus tun din, a place. 300-8. 

mikkindih, at its base. 287-1. 

na il lit din, a place. 158-2. 

nantsisdin, hanging place. 204-3. 

nanatuLdin, stepping down place. 207-2. 

Na de il tcwun din, a place. 328-10. 
na te tse din, at the door. 98-2. 

Nil lin kin din, a place. 271-13. 

NiL tcwin a ka din, a place. 157-1. 
nin nis an non a din, a place. 115-16. 
no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8. 
no nin din, at our heads. 190-5. 

No tan a din, a place. 179-6. 

nun dil win te din, snow always there place. 328-3. 
Xaslindin, a place. 265-1. Compare, xaslintau, 
crane. 203-14. 

xoLtsaidin, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, xol- 
tsaitau. 

xon na din, in his eye. 118-7. 

Xon xaute din, a place. 117-14. 

Xon sa din, a place. 174-1. 

xon din, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xon tcih, fire toward. 
109-15. 

xon ta din, to the house. 210-5. 

Xo xotc din, a place. 245-4. 

xo xon tau din, his house place. 195-7. 

xot nun din, a place. 244-3. 

Xot tin nan din, a place. 198-13. 
xo qot din, knee deep. 365-11. 

Saute titc din, a place. 198-10. 

Sa xaute sai ke xaute din, soup-eating place. 226-8. 

Da din mot din, a place. 300-10. 

Da tcwin din, a place. 179-1. 

Djic tan a din, a place. 104-5. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


27 


tai kyuw din, sweat-house. 203-9. 

Ta kim miL din, a place. 104-10. 
tin ta din din, in the woods. 247-3. 

TseLtcedin, a place. 280-2. 

Tsendnadin, a place. 354-5. 

Tse nun sin din, a place. 102-5. 

Tse din, a place. 280-10. 

Tee in dl qot din, a place. 216-10. 

TciL tel nal la din, a place. 365-6. 

Tco x6l tewe din, a place. 98-6. 

Tcwitc na nin a din, a place. 353-14. 

Kain5nadin, a place. 208-4. 

Ki yauw non diL din, bird’s resting place. 199-5. 
Kllaigyadin, a place. 243-17. 

KiL we din, a place. 354-12. 

Ki xun nai ta din, a place. 226-10. 
kit ta din, in the brush. 162-9. 

Kyu we Le din, a place. 354-8. 

kyu win ya in yan ta din, a place. 211-15. 

The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcin 
to the noun. 

Yi da xo min wa tcin, to a place. 208-8. / 

L6hwunkuttcin, Bald Hill (toward). 216-15. 
min sit da tcin, smoke-hole to. 329-13. 

Mis kut tcin, to Miskut. 105-11. 

mux xa tee tcin, to the root. 210-1. 

nin nis an non a tcin, the world’s end. 159-14. 

nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1. 

no na wit tse tcin, toward the door. 166-1. 

Xaiyametcin, to Xaiyame. 267-9. 

xontatcin, to the house. 97-12. 

xontcin, fire toward. 109-15. 

Tee wil lin tcin, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5. 
Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the 
ending -kai or -ka. 

min fa kai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1. 
min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare, 
min tsit da tcin. 329-13. 


28 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth ' 


xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (along). 347-13. 
xol tcwil a kai, a marshy way. 361-12. 
xon na de kai ta, his legs (along) too. 347-14. 
xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1. 
xot tsel kai, from under his arm. 143-4. 
xunnukka, river along. 211-14. 

Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expressed 
by the suffix -kut, or -ka. 

Loka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8. 

Mi me da kut, a place. 185-1. 

Mis kut, a place. 105-4. 

Xowunkut, a place. 121-5. 

Xotuwaikut, a place. 336-1. 
denokut, the sky (this us on). 286-12. 

Tse tit mil a kut, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tse tit- 
mil me. 299-11. 

TEMPOKAL ENDINGS. 

The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to 
exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end¬ 
ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer 
exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -ne en. 
medilneen, canoes used to be. 153-17. 
mit date ne en, 1 shells. 171-16. 
na di yau ne en, 1 dentalia. 171-16. 

nin nis an ne en, world used to be (a hypothetical case). 
343-14. 

nin xos tin ne en, frost used to be. 273-7. 

nik kyu win ya in yan ne en, your child used to be. 221-2. 

noleneen, dam used to be. 102-11. 

xoi kit Loi ne en, her basket used to be. 325-1. 

xo nt ne en, his wife used to be. 187-8. 

xo lin ke ne en, his pet used to be. 115-14. 

xd 16 ka ne en, her salmon used to be. 100-16. 

xo mit ne en, his belly used to be. 121-10. 

xon na kut to ne en, his tears used to be. 338-10. 

1 In these cases it is possession of the object, and not the object itself, 
which ceases. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 29 

xon nin ne en, his face used to be. 143-10. 

xon ta ne en, house used to be. 114-17. 

x5 xun ne en, her husband used to be. 308-4. 

xotaneen, father used to be. 172-1. 

xo kos ne en, his neck used to be. 163-18. 

te ne en, blankets. 144-9. 

tsit duk na we ne en, fisherskin quivers. 144-8. 

kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15. 

kiL La xun ne en, deer used to be. 96-8. 

kim miL na tul tcu wol ne en, wildcat used to be. 143-9. 

kyu wi yul ne en, food used to be. 96-8. 

That the object will exist in the future, or the possession of it 
will come to pass in the future, is expressed by adding the suf¬ 
fix -te. 

hwnw te te, my blanket it will be. 204-16. 
mit Lo we te, their medicine will be. 121-15. 

PRONOUNS. 

PERSONAL. 

The personal pronouns in their independent form are used 
chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor¬ 
poration of the object into the verb, and its inflections 60 show 
the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words 
to the minimum. 

The pronoun for the first person singular is hire, which 
serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a 
possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have 
a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is ci; the 
Carrier, si; and the Navaho, ci. The change of c or s to hw, 
while rather unexpected, is regular. The plural of the first 
person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers, when more 
than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead 
of hire and nehe, longer forms, hire en and neheen, often 
occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle 
en, which points to a person, contrasting him with another, 
hire. 104-16, 151-17, 204-16. 
hireen, 109-4, 138-14. 


30 


University of California Publications. 1 Am - Arch. Eth. 


nehe. 216-18, 334-6. 
neheen. 139-3, 165-7. 

The second person singular is expressed by nin, and the 
plural by no hin, or no n. 
nin. 106-9. 
no hin. 280-5. 

It is to be thought that originally there was no personal pro¬ 
noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon¬ 
stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking 
of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required xon occurs. This 
appears to be xo-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en 
mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third 
person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, ya xwen 
was given. This is no doubt xon of the singular with ya, the 
sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere, 
xon. 96-3. 

POSSESSIVES. 

Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the 
qualified noun to express possession. H we and nin are repre¬ 
sented by h w- and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form¬ 
ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable 
is completed by i or u, before y and w respectively. Before con¬ 
sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking 
over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons 
plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which 
may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person 
singular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-, 
receiving the same treatment as h w- and n- above, when the ref¬ 
erence is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person 
of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things in¬ 
is also frequently used, but for the former k- seems more fre¬ 
quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also 
employed. 

A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity 
exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as 
in the case of law- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are 
given above on p. 14.) 


VoL - 3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


31 


DEMONSTRATIVES. 

The demonstratives for the nearer person or object, which 
must be in sight, are ded, hai ded and hai de, which do not differ 
in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight 
or not, is referred to by yo or hai yo. 
ded, this. 96-10, 98-3. 
hai de, this. 100-6. 
yo, that. 151-14. 
hai y5, that. 115-14. 


RELATIVES. 

There are no words whose special office is the expression of 
relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai some¬ 
times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162 
contains a sentence which has a relative: 

hai tee nin ya te ne en xonteLtau do he tee nin yai. 

The he was going to coyote he did not come out. 

come out 

Coyote, who was going to come out, did not come out. 

Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence: 
hai unkya hai tcit tes deL te. 

The he saw it was the they two were to travel. 

He saw it was he with whom he was to travel. 

INTERROGATIVE. 

Questions asking who are introduced by dun dan; those 
asking what, by da xwed un. 

dun dan, who ? 151-16. 
da xwed un, what? 163-3. 


ARTICLE. 

The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular 
or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the 
demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional 
use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is 
sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It 
usually occurs before a possessive. 

hai xolinke, “the his pets.” 195-8. 


32 University of California Publications. [ Am * Arch - Eth - 

ADJECTIVE PEONOUNS. 

The following words usually stand alone, the persons, or 
things limited by them being understood from the context, 
a tin, all. 96-8. 
atinne, all people. 138-6. 
a tin xo un te, everything. 176-16. 
a tin din, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4. 
atinkauntfe, everykind. 110-10, 113-3. 
xo dai de he, anything, 
dihwo, something. 144-8,117-17. 
di h we e, nothing. 153-10. 
dun nun h«?on, several people, 
dun Luh Iclwo, several things. 164-16, 176-10. 
dun h we e, nobody. 109-12. 
dunhwo, somebody. 107-5. 

NUMERALS. 

CAEDINALS. 

The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan¬ 
guages, most of which have cognate words for five, also, which is 
dissyllabic. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily 
analyzed. Ten, min Lun, means, ‘ ‘ enough for it. ’ ’ The numer¬ 
als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers 
lying between the decimal terms; and by multiplication for those 
terms. The meaning of Laitdikkin, one hundred, is not evi¬ 
dent, but by a variation of the first syllables the hundreds are 
enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary. 

The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons 
differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about 
by the use of an old termination, -ni or -ne, which means people. 

Numerals used of things. ) 

La, one. 98-12. 
nax, two. 101-9. 
tak, three. 294-8. 
dink, four, 
tcwo la, five. 101-6. 
xos tan, six. 
xo kit, seven. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 33 

ke nim, eight, 
muk kos tau, nine, 
min Lun, ten. 140-9. 

min Lun mu wa na La, ten by its side again one. 

minLun muwa nanax, ten by its side again two. 

na dim min Lun, twice ten. 

ta kut dim min Lun, three times ten. 

din kit dim min Lun, four times ten. 

tcwo la dim min Lun, five times ten. 

xos tun dim min Lun, six times ten. 

xo kit dim min Lun, seven times ten. 

ke nim dim min Lun, eight times ten. 

muk kos ta dim min Lun, nine times ten. 

La it dik kin, one hundred, 
na xut dik kin, two hundred, 
ta kut dik kin, three hundred. 

Numerals used of persons. 
lu wun, one man. 234-1. 
nanin, two men. 139-2. 
takun, three men. 169-1. 
din kin, four men. 234-8. 
tcwo lane, five men. 234-9, 
xos tun, six men. 234-12. 
xo kit din, seven men. 235-3. 
ke nim min, eight men. 235-6. 
muk kos tau win, nine men. 235-7. 
minLun, or min Lun ne, ten men. 207-1. 

ADJECTIVES. 

The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very 
closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like 
verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of 
the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether 
the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The 
conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has 
been given below following the conjugation of the verbs. 

These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception 
to be dissyllabic. 


34 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth - 


COMPARISON. 

The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is 
expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com¬ 
pleted in harmony with the following sound. 

hai dadinnes nintuw, the longest one bring, 
hai da diL Luk kau niL tuw ne, the fattest one you must 
bring. 

hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one. 
hai da dik kya 6, the largest one. 

VERBS. 

CLASSIFIED. 

TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE. 

Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in 
that they have a change of root when the object is plural. If 
the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the 
weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive 
verbs have -l immediately preceding the root but affiliating 
itself with the foregoing syllable. 

Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a 
dual or plural subject. They do not have -l preceding the root. 

CLASSES. 

When a large number of Hupa verbs are compared, most of 
them are seen to fall into two classes, according to the presence or 
absence of -l before the root. In only a few cases it may be 
present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these 
eases it has the power of changing by its presence an intransitive 
verb to a transitive verb. TcittetaL means he stepped along; 
tcitteLtaL, he kicked something along. Kewinian (150-12) 
means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane; 
ke win tan would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast. In 
a general way -l may be considered the sign of the transitive. 
Its absence marks the intransitive; and it is present in all transi¬ 
tive verbs except a large but well marked class which express by 
the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there¬ 
fore be used without an expressed object. 

yawinxan, he took up something of a liquid or smally 
divided nature which must be contained in a basket. 


v° l . 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


35 


yawinan, he took up a round object as a stone, 
ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick, 
yawinut, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object as a 
blanket. 

But, also,— 

yawiLkyos, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object. 
yawiLten, he took up an animal (including man) or an 
animal product. 

While it is quite evident that in its past history this -l was 
in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the 
verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the 
two forms yawinut and yawinkyos could hardly stand as 
synonyms. All that can be safely said is that -l is associated 
with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The 
last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i, 
and the former, containing -l, class ii. 1 

The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t. 
The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where 
it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs 
regularly in certain cases where it is joined to a syllable already 
existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three 
kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur 
without the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class, 
verbs having the prefix na- with the iterative force of again, 
and all passives formed from class i. 

The fourth class has -1 preceding the root. It is composed 
of a number of verbs having roots which evidently require this 
sound preceding, since they do not occur without it, and all 
passives corresponding to class ii. 

VOICE. 

The passive voice is present in the language, but not common. 
It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or 
author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he 
does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive is 
only employed when the author of the act is unknown; or some 

'Father Morice, in the work cited, p. 194, has taken this -L as the char¬ 
acteristic of one of his conjugations. He speaks of it as a “pronominal 
consonant. ’ ’ 



36 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


reason, usually religious, prevents reference to him. The passive 
is also used as a noun. 

MODES AND TENSES. 

The clear cut distinction of formal grammar between modes, 
on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this 
language. There are special forms which affirm the act, and 
others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there 
are forms for the past, present and future, but one cannot have 
a past tense of the Impotential mode. The same form does serv¬ 
ice as a present indicative, a subjunctive of proposed action, and 
the second person of it as an imperative. The following names 
have been assigned to the existing forms.—Present Indefinite, 
Impotential, Imperative, Customary; and Past Definite, Present 
Definite, and Future Definite. The last and many other forms 
are made by suffixes. 

Present Indefinite. 

This name has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider 
use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the 
Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com¬ 
pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed 
when such act consumes appreciable time, or of acts desired or 
intended. 

Impotential. 

The form of this mode-tense differs from the present, only in 
the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger 
form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are 
declared will not take place because they are impossible. The 
form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by 
the usual negative prefix do- and the potential force by a sort 
of auxiliary which means to be or become. It seems possible that 
the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent. 

Imperative. 

The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular 
and plural, are identical with the same number and person of 
the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not 
occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the 
person spoken to, permit or compel the third person to perform 
the act. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


37 


Customary. 

Acts which are habitual or repeated are expressed by means 
of this form. Acts or conditions which are thought of as contin¬ 
uous or nearly so have forms with -win te suffixed to the present. 

Definite Tenses. 

The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi¬ 
nite acts, or states, has forms for their expression closely related 
to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past 
differs from the present in the form of the root, which is longer 
and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort 
of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl¬ 
lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present 
by the suffixes, -te, or -teL. 

PERSON AND NUMBER. 

Besides the usual three numbers there is found in Hupa a 
second form for the third person which is used when referring 
to a Hupa child, or very aged person; or to the members of other 
tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass¬ 
ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num¬ 
bers,—the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular 
only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural, 
which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed 
or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a 
change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all 
verbs the dual form seems to have pretty nearly superseded the 
plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so. 
The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yu 
because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable. 1 

STRUCTURE OF THE VERBS. 

The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre¬ 
sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of 
the sentence. Xa na is di ya de, ‘ ‘ if she comes back up, ’ ’ has 
first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up 
the side of a hill, in this case the river bank; next, is found the 

^According to Father Morice, the Carrier have a dual only in the first 
person. Work cited, p. 190. 



38 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is 
done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the 
path from the river is passed over a second time; the syllable -is- 
shows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as 
progressing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been 
considered as being begun and not requiring progression, the 
syllable -win- would have been employed. Yawinxan, “she 
picked up a basket of water. But if the act had been thought 
of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. No nin- 
xan, “she put down a basket of water. These three syllables, 
-is-, -win-, and -nin-, occur only in the ease of single defi¬ 
nite acts. 

The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi¬ 
cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult 
Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child, 
an aged person, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have 
been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this 
form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person 
singular would be xa na sin d! ya de, in which -in of the third 
syllable would indicate the person and number. The infixed 
syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the 
iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English “back 
again. ’ ’ The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the 
root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion 
of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb 
been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the 
pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The 
final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed 
as a future certainty, -te would have been employed. 

The Hupa verb is modified in various ways, as has been seen 
from the preceding example. 

First.—By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the 
motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or 
not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or 
completed is expressed. 

Second.—By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, 
the person and number of the subject is indicated. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


39 


Third.—By variations in the form of the root, is shown the 
number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in 
intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and 
definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since 
they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions, 
show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected. 

Fourth.—By syllables suffixed to the root, the action may be 
further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood. 

It will be realized that by so many means of modification the 
possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact, 
a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of 
course, by the logic and necessity of their use. 

The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given 
above. 

PREFIXES AND INFIXES. 

Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction. 

Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at 
rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. 

Ya- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things 
up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through 
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The 
primary meaning seems to be, “in the air, above the surface of 
the ground.” 

a) Relating to the sitting position. 
yaaa, he sat. 150-8. 

yauw hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. 

ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. 

ya win a, sitting. 162-11. 

ya win a hit, when he sat. 174-6. 

ya win eL, they were sitting 181-8. 

yan a, sitting. 110-14. 

ya na wes a, he sat down. 165-17. 

ya na win ai, he sat down. 136-6. 

ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6. 

da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2. 

da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 119-16. 

da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. 


40 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


da ya na wes a, it sat there. 144-11. 
da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2. 

The following two are used of material things, but seem to 
belong here. 

ya name da a, it loomed up. 121-11. 
ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. 

b) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing. 
ya a wumj, he always takes on his back. 195-6. 
yailluw, he picked up (a woodpecker head). 292-14. 
ya nw tuw, let me pick it up. 286-11. 

ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4. 

yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

ya wiL kyos, he picked up. 293-6. 

ya wim meL, he took them up. 142-4. 

yawinan, he picked up (a stone). 342-1. 

yawinxan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6. 

ya win tan, he took. 108-18. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked it up. 202-6. 

ya wi xau w hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. 

ya luw, he picked it up. 292-15. 

yanauwtuw, I will pick up. 286-9. 

yanawillai, she picked it up. 307-6. 

ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 

yanakeuwuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 

ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3. 

yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. 

c) The following seem to imply vertical motion. 
yaiimmil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 
342-14. 

ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes; when he lifted his 
eyelids. 347-5. 

ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. 
ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. 
ya win na hidL de, if it raises up (the ocean). 117-10. 
ya wit xus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15. 


Y°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


41 


ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. 

yaltonei, it jumped off. 163-18. 

ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1. 

yanauw din, the going up place (said of the sun). 195-6. 

yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3. 

yanxutsei, it flew up. 271-2. 

d) Of horizontal motion through the air. 

a din ya kin qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. 

ya au w hwei, he held it out. 166-5. 

yai wa auw wiL fl x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. 

ya it qot, it always dodged. 286-11. 

yawiLwaL, he threw (through the air). 362-8. 

yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15. 

yawinen, he carried. 210-4. 

yawinkutc, he threw. 143-15. 

ya wit qot, he tumbled. 118-15. 

ya wun xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. 

yanawinen, she carried. 172-1. 

yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. 

ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. 

ya nat dje u, they came back. 301-15. 

yaxonten, he has taken him. 151-4. 

ya xon its, he shot. 166-8. 

ya xos meL, he whipped him. 164-3. 

yat qot, it dodged. 286-10. 

ya ke wuw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 

ya kin wmc, carry it. 105-18. 

ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 

Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object’s 
being reduced to many pieces. 

yai kyu wiRats, blanket of strips. 207-5. 
ya na is Ml, he split. 142-3, 210-2. 
ya na kyu wiL tsil Hl te, they (one) may split. 109-8. 
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space 
however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes 
and baskets. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 4. 


42 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch * Eth ' 


a) Of a house. 

ye inyauw, they always go in. 305-9. 

ye wes a, was in. 153-10. 

ye win ya, come in. 305-8. 

ye win ya ye xo lun, had gone in. 118-5. 

yewitqot, it fell in. 136-3. 

yenaidiL, let us go in. 210-13. 

yenaitdauw, he used to go in. 288-6. 

yenawillos, she dragged in. 190-2. 

yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1. 

yenawityai, he went in. 98-15. 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 

yenalLat, she ran in. 329-8. 

ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. 

ye nun dauw, come in. 98-17. 

ye xon un hit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

yexStaan, they ran in. 238-9. 

yetceilluw, he used to take in. 288-2. 

ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. 

ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. 

ye tcu wiL da, she carried in. 191-13. 

yetcuwinyai, he went in. 97-3. 

yetcuwinxan, she brought in. 209-10. 

ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4. 

yekiLtseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. 

ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 

yekyuwestce, the wind blew in. 270-4. 

doyeinnauw, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4. 

do ye in dil, never come in. 305-10. 

do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. 

b) Of a mountain, spoken of as hollow. 
ye l yoL, she blew in. 302-8. 

ye 5 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 
ye yu wiL kit de te, will go there. 301-9. 
ye wit dje u, they went in. 299-14. 
yeteuwillai, he took them in. 301-7. 


V°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


43 


ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. 

c) Of entering the bed of a stream. 
yeteuwinyai, he went up. 101-8. 
yeyaxolai, they took them. 179-12. 
yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9. 
ye win deL te, they will go. 255-3. 

ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 

d) Of landing, with a canoe or otherwise. 
yewitkait, he landed. 140-1. 
yewitkaite, (a canoe) will come. 209-3. 
ye wit kait din, landing place. 140-2. 
yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. 

ye nin dil lin ye, had washed ashore. 267-12. 
ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. 

e) Of broad spaces. 

ye e il ton xo lan, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. 
yeyinneyot, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5. 
yenawodeLte, you will travel in (the underworld). 
361-12. 

yenaxoLwaL, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13. 
yetcinnauw, they will come in (the dancing-place). 
231-6. 

ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-4. 
yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. 
e) Of a canoe. 

yeintuLne, you must step in. 209-2. 
yeweyate, I am going into it. 314-3. 
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. 
ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. 
ye tcu win ya din, in entering. 140-2. 
p) Of a basket or small object. 

yenawiLten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5. 
yetceinkas, he threw (into a basket). 288-7. 
yetcuwiLten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17. 
yetcuwiLto, he slipped them (one into the other). 329-1. 
yetcuwimmeL, they put into (a storage basket). 200-5. 


44 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth - 


ye tcu win tan, lie put in (his quiver). 96-13. 
yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3. 

Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn¬ 
ing. 

wa kin nil lit xo lan, they were burned through. 119-3. 
wa kin nin tats, he cut through. 

wa kin nin sen xo lan, was heated through he saw. 329-16. 
Compare, 

wun dim mil, going through. 144-3. 
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 
yu wun dim mil lei, went through. 211-5. 

Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something 
to a man or animal. 

wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. 
waiintuw, he always gave. 136-12. 
waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8. 
miLwayakindillai, they traded with them, “with they 
handed each other. ’ ’ 200-4. 
nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6. 
nuwananelate, I will loan you. 356-7. 
nu wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7. 
h«?u wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. 
htru wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7. 
hwu wun tmr, hand me. 278-7. 
xo w r a iL da, she handed her. 181-13. 
xo wa in tan, he gave him. 211-1. 
xowayaintan, they gave him. 144-14. 
xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. 
xo wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan him. 356-17. 
xo wa toil lai, he gave away. 103-7. 
xowatcinxan, to her she gave. 246-12. 
xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 98-11. 
xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5. 
xwa ya kiL kit, she fed them. 192-11. 
do hwu wun nu wit lai he, don’t to me bring them. 230-13. 
kyu wa na iL tuw?, he who gives back. 241-4. 

Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of 
objects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the 


V°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


45 


placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a 
circle or a circuit in traveling. 

a) Of things brought together and of people meeting. 
yaLedaadin, the corner. 286-1. 

Le il loi, he ties together. 334-12. 

Leinnauw, they came together. 305-2. 

Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 

Le ye teu win yeuw, he jammed in. 143-10. 

Lena is loi, he tied together. 210-5. 

Le na ya kyu wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12. 

Le nal ditc tcwin xo lan din, it had grown together place. 
281-15. 

LenaneLno, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12. 

Le na de eL, were joined. 347-4. 

Lenakillane, gather together. 192-8. 

Le na kil du bw;6t, it grew back on. 164-1. 

Le neL te, let us meet. 174-3. 

Le nu wil nes, met together. 215-6. 

Le nul ditc tcwen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8. 
LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16. 

Compare, Leduwillu, he had killed several. 165-16. 
LedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5. 

Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. 

Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. 

Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. 

b) In the special sense of building a fire. 

Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 

Le na il luw, she started a fire. 153-1. 

Le nau w dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. 

Lena wil la, afire. 170-9. 

Le na luw, he built a fire. 235-14. 

Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 

Le na nil la xo lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 
Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. 
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 

c) Of completing a circuit. 

Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 


46 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch - Eth - 


Lenaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. 
Lena it dauic, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. 
LenaniLten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. 

Le na nin deL ei, they went clear around. 102-1. 

Me- seems to have the meaning of position at; or motion to, 
against, or along the surface of something. 

a) Of climbing a steep hill or a tree. 
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16. 
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. 

me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. 
me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13. 
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. 

b) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point. 
menanillai, they landed. 215-11. 

menemen, he landed him. 162-9. 
menillayei, they landed. 216-13. 
me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. 
me nun dl yai, years, said of the sun’s arrival at a certain 
point in its yearly journey up and down the moun¬ 
tain ridges. 145-7. 

mi nil la yei, the waves came ashore. 362-4. 
min yai, it was nearly time. 286-6. 

c) Of sticking or tying, or of being stuck or tied, against a 
surface. 

me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 

me it tan, he stuck to it. 202-3. 

me win fan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 

mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows). 

d) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface. 
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1. 

U& me na niL tewit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16. 
meniLtewit, he pushed it. 106-2. 
me nin tewit, he put aside. 234-8. 
me xo niL tewit, something pushed him. 109-13. 
me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. 
miL tewit, push it. 105-18. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


47 


e) Of bringing steam or heat against something to be cooked. 
me wit dil na te, we will steam it. 241-11. 
me na wiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. 

What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense 
appears in the following. 

a) Of speaking and singing. 

me ya du wil wauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1. 

me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1. 

me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15. 

medilwauw, they talked about. 340-5. 

me dil wau w ta, they talked about places. 340-12. 

me kyu wiL tel, singing. 235-4. 

mekyuwiLtu, he sang. 234-6. 

b) Of watching. 

me luw, watching. 204-6. 
me luw fl x, he watched it. 205-2. 
me luw te, I am going to watch it. 292-9. 
me nai luw te, I will watch them. 258-10. 
menauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17. 
muw luw te, I will watch. 218-3. 

c) Of finishing. 

me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. 

me neL xe teL, I am finishing. 260-4. 

meniLxe, he finished it. 296-8. 

d) Of desiring. 

me du win tcwen, he was hungry for. 99-1. 

me duw tcwin, I want. 254-12. 

do me duty tcwin, I don’t want. 253-5. 

Unclassified. 

menaiyiyauw, they eat it down. 356-13. 
me nai yi yauw e xo lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 
me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. 
me na tcwil liL te, it will settle. 117-11. 

Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except 
that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is 
employed of motion into. 

me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. 
menonillai, in she took. 307-2. 


48 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth ' 


me nonin an, he put inside. 328-13. 

me sa un, was in it. 243-15. 

me sit dit tetc, in we would be lying. 190-4. 

me sit tin te, in they lie. 307-11. 

me sit tun, was in it; 243-9. 

metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11. 

metsistetc, they lie in. 306-8. 

me tee ya niL to, they skinned him. 328-5. 

do me saun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9. 

Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the 
ground or water; and of position on the earth’s surface. The 
primary meaning may be ‘ ‘ horizontal. ’ ’ 

a) Of motion over the surface of the ground. 

naaa, he always has (said to mean he always carries it). 

257-4. 

na i ya, she used to go. 135-2. 

naiLits, it is running around. 294-4. 

na iL te °x, she carried it. 290-6. 

na in nel le xo lan, he played, he saw. 186-1. 

na in deL, they went. 266-9. 

na is its, she ran different places. 185-6. 

naisya, he walked around. 157-9. 

naisyate, he goes. 307-13. 

na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. 

naisdiLLat, she ran. 185-6. 

na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. 

na is tsu, he rolled about. 119-4. 

na it dil, who go around. 305-9. 

nayawitdil, they went along. 172-1. 

nawaye, he goes around. 231-9. 

na wa ne djox, while walking. 276-1. 

na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13. 

na na is ya e xo lan, she could walk. 276-11. 

nanaLits, it running around. 295-10. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

nahwa, I will walk. 164-6. 

na xo teL tewo ig, he swept. 210-12. 

na x6 tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.-—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


49 


na xus din na tsu, moving she heard. 191-12. 

nasete, I will go. 137-14,139-10. 

nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. 

nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. 

nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 

nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16. 

nasdukqot, it tumbled about. 136-4. 

nas qbl, it crawled around. 294-1. 

na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. 

na teL dit dauw, he ran. 100-13. 

nateLten, he took it along. 282-3. 

natse, rolling around. 157-4. 

natciLtsin, moving as he sat. 171-6. 

na ka xas dan na tsu, someone moving. 165-18. 

na kis deL, they came around. 200-2. 

nakisqot, he pushed a stick. 145-12. 

na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. 

donawa, (nobody) going about. 166-2. 

do na httfai, I have never been. 336-11. 

do nas do, they won’t dodge. 258-13. 

b) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water. 
na a xa, fills it, floats on its surface. 310-8. 
naaxaei, fills it. 311-5. 

naime, I swim in. 311-11. 
naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. 
namtf me, let me swim. 97-15. 
nawimme, he swam. 209-13. 
na la, floating. 243-8. 
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. 
na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17. 
na na lat dei, it was floating. 244-9. 

c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced¬ 
ing (a and b). 

nai ya din, I live place. 231-5. 

nawa, were there. 209-3. 

na wa Q x, stayed. 166-14. 

na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. 

nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 


50 


University of California Publications. 1 Am - Argh - Eth - 


na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. 
na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. 
nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. 
na nas deL te, they will he. 228-2. 
naniLne, how must they live. 317-1. 
nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. 
nadil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7. 
na dil le, they are. 211-13. 
na din, they living. 321-3. 
na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 
donawate, will not live. 257-11. 
d) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body. 
naiuwLti, I paint. 247-12. 
nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3. 
nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. 
nanaiuwme, I bathe it. 247-1. 
nanaime, I bathe. 311-8. 
nanaimmeei, who always bathed. 311-8. 
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. 
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. 
naniLkis, he cut him. 164-1. 
nax6wiLme, he bathed him. 187-12. 
na deLu, she marked across. 311-13. 
nadeLwaL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5. 
e) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground. 
nawilyeuw, he rested. 119-14. 
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. 
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. 
na nu win tu lentil, ne, you must lie. 343-12. 
na sa un te, will lie. 226-9. 
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. 
nadeLtse, are living. 217-8. 
na toil yeuw sa an din, resting place. 363-3. 
na toil yeuw din, resting place. 347-3. 
xd tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in, “on her they lay.” 

164-9. 

do nauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15. 
do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


51 


f) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur¬ 
face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllable 
beginning with d. 

nanaduwaal, rose up. 103-13. 

na na du win a, stands. 364-14. 

na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14. 

na da a, stood. 150-8. 

na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12. 

na da ai, standing. 100-8. 

na du win a, it stood up. 158-6. 

na du win a, smoke came out. 197-5. 

na du win a ei, stand up. 243-6. 

na du win a te, it will stick up. 204-2. 

na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-3. 

Na-, or, nana- expresses motion downward or toward the 
earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what¬ 
ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. 
na e I ya, it used to rain. 229-2. 
nailime, (tears) dropping. 337-14. 
nailtsit, falls. 275-3. 
nailtsitte e il lti, would drop. 104-11. 
na in xut, dropped down. 115-14. 
na is xut, he tore down. 104-8. 
na 61 iute, drops first. 115-12. 
nayaisxut, they tore down. 267-8. 
naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. 
nawintau, it will settle down. 273-7. 
nawitxusiL, he is falling. 152-5. 
naliuwte, will drop. 115-13. 
nal tsit, fell down. 145-2. 
na nee dame, (sun) goes down. 364-4. 
nana it dame, (sun) gone down. 104-10. 
na name dan din, gone down time. 322-9. 
na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. 
na na wiL kyos, he took it down. 204-4. 
nana win an, he had taken down. 176-10. 
na na win un x5 lun, he had taken down. 176-17. 
na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. 


52 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

nanawityai, he came down. 138-15,174-9. 
na na wit xuts, he flew back down. 114-2. 
nanaldeimu, dripping off. 337-5. 
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4. 
nanantsis, it hung. 207-9. 
nanadiL, come down. 166-7. 
nanatuLdin, stepping down place. 207-2. 
nanatyai, (sun) had gone down. 202-9. 
nanya, it rains. 229-3. 
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. 
na xo wil tsit xo lun, fell. 306-15. 
nadittemeL, fell. 245-11. 

Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line 
stretched, or of crossing a stream. 

a) Of crossing a stream. 

naiya xon nil layei, they took them (across). 179-11. 

na na in di yai, he came across. 103-11. 

nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. 

na na ya nin deL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2. 

na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. 

na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. 

naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

b) Of horizontal position. 
naL tsis, hanging. 204-12. 
nan a ei, hangs there. 295-3. 
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. 
nanuwesa, run across. 363-14. 
nanuwilxut, hanging for a door. 171-1. 
na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17. 

Na- is used in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal 
with which of the above they are connected. 
a) Intransitive. 

na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. 
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. 
nadille, they are. 211-13. 
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


53 


nadillete, they will become again. 116-12. 
na dil le te ne en, which was going to happen. 117-5. 
na dil lu, will be. 243-2. 
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 
na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, they had grown. 119-10. 
nat le liL te, will become. 312-4. 
na kyu win xa, grows. 364-11. 
do na xos dil le te, will be no more. 228-4. 
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 
b) Transitive. 

nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they made him. 196-6. 
na is tcwen, he made. 110-12. 
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7. 
na is tcwin teL, who will make. 321-11. 
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. 
nauw tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 
na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 
na ya is tcwen, they made. 284-1. 
naseL tcwen, I made. 296-2. 
naseL tcwin, I make. 302-11. 
na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. 

No- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing 
something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of 
something, or of completing a task. 

a) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest. 
no a din nin xan, she placed herself. 223-9. 
no a din xau w, lay yourself down. 223-9. 
noilluw, she put. 157-11. 
noil La, he came running. 360-8. 
no in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. 
noixweiLLu, they throw down. 195-11. 
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track (he had placed 
down his foot). 292-5. 
ndyanindeL, they sat down. 280-5. 
no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7. 
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 
no wit tuw wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12. 
no na iuw xauw, I leave it. 247-3. 


54 


University of California Publications. [Am. A® 03 * Eth. 


n5 nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

no na iL kyos, she put away. 333-7. 

no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 

no nauw au w, I never leave. 248-1. 

non au w ne, you must put it down. 210-7. 

no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 

no na wiL dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2. 

no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. 

nonaneun, I will leave it. 296-5. 

no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. 

no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. 

no na nin deL xo lan, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. 

no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

no na xol tu w, he had her laid. 342-8. 

no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. 

no na ta un hit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. 

no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no na kin nin un te, you will leave. 351-13. 

no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

nonexunte, I will put. 289-2. 

no nil lai, he put. 98-2. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

no nin tin din, he put it place. 266-9, 294-10. 

no niL kait, he pushed them. 139-13. 

noniLkas, he threw. 185-8. 

no niL kyos, he put it. 208-10. 

no nin an, he established it. 273-3. 

no nin ut, he threw it. 112-3. 

no nin xan, she put it. 242-7, 287-7. 

no nin xun te, who will set. 290-12. 

no nin xuts, he dropped. 362-9. 

no nin tan, he put. 210-16. 

non dl yan, was left. 118-11. 

nonundiyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 

no nun dim mil, rope fell back. 151-18. 

non yai, it went down. 348-3. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


nonxauwne, put it. 296-14. 
non de mil, it fell. 143-8. 
nondeqotei, it stopped. 287-2. 

no du win taL xo lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 
nokeiuwqot, I always set up. 247-4. 
no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 

b) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface. 
noiiLkit, (fog) spread out. 321-7. 

noi wiL kil liL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. 
noiniLkit, (smoke) hangs. 337-11. 
noi niL kit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8. 
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. 
nowillin, it was covered (with blood). 115-16. 
ndnainiLkit, (smoke) settled. 96-3. 
no hwe deuw hwen nei, darkness came. 300-15. 
noto^x, water staid. 324-3. 

Compare, no kin nin yoic, (dentalia) scattered about. 
145-3. 

c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something. 
no il La, he came running. 360-8. 

n5 iL xfits, he chewed off. 288-5. 

noininyanne, that far they ate. 347-17. 

n6 in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. 

no it to, the water comes. 310-7. 

noi ki yow din, as far as it goes. 311-6. 

no win na hwiL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1. 

no na il luw, she left off. 332-10. 

no na in dfik qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 

no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. 

no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. 

no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 17 6-11. 

nonaxontsu, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15. 

no nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8. 

no nin un hit, when he finished. 234-7. 

noninnas, he whittled it down. 197-3. 

no nfin de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6. 

no nfin dil lat, it floated back. 245-13. 

non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


no xo auto hwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. 
noxSninun, they fell in with them. 179-5. 
n6 xuw, floats ashore. 346-5. 
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. 
nbtedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11. 
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191 -18. 
no kin dje xa in namo, she quit fighting. 333-6. 
nokinninyan, he finished. 209-12. 
no kyu wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6. 

Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of 
movement up a hillside when the speaker’s standpoint is at the 
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and 
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. 

a) Of motion up along the surface of the ground. 
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1, 294-7. 
xaisyadin, he got up place. 272-2. 

xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16. 

xaisxunhit, when she had brought up. 99-9. 

xa is ten, she brought up. 99-2. 

xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. 

xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. 

xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 

xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. 

xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13. 

xa sin name din, where the sun rises. 332-5. 

xasindeLdin, coming up place. 363-3. 

xa kis wen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4. 

b) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence 
from the surface of the ground or water. 

xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5. 

xauw auw, I am going to take it out. 135-7. 

xa wa auw hw\L te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 

xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. 

xa win an, he took out. 100-10. 

xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 

xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xa na xo iL tu w, she kept lifting him out. 223-15- 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 57 

xanaxonan, they came up again (from the grave). 
360-10. 

xanxenne, he came up (after diving). 210-9. 
xa xo wil waL, dug-from-the-ground. 138-9. 
xa te mas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5. 
xakehwe, (she commenced) to dig. 135-2. 
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3. 

xa kyu witc tee lin te, from the ground the wind will 
blowout. 272-10. 

c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle. 
xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9. 

xawitqot, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13. 
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole). 
158-7. 

d) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a 
plant. 

xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 
xal a x6 lun, had grown up. 121-11. 
xal tewin xo lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. 
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 
xandik, standing. 276-10. 

Xee- in the sense of “away from,” as in blowing and 
pushing. 

xeeiLyol, he blows away. 296-15. 

xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them¬ 
selves. 181-9. 

xe e wiL waL, she threw away. 189-11. 

xe e win qotc ei tsti, he heard him lope away. 175-8. 

xeenaiLkis, she pushed it away. 185-3. 

xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xe e na Ml waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 

xe e du. waL ei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17. 

Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion 
down a hill or stream. 

xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8. 
xot da wil lai, they came down. 215-13. 
xotdawinyai, he went. 272-3. 
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 5. 


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xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. 

xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. 

xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. 

xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. 

xotdanyai, it went down. 281-1. 

xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5. 

xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3. 

xot da ke i yau w, they came down the hill. 310-6. 

xot dan kyu wes tee, blows (down). 227-7. 

xotdatkait, they came down. 158-14. 

Xot de- is used of one person’s meeting another on the trail 
where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at 
the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came 
toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to 
be the third person of the pronoun, used as an indirect object. 
Compare, nit de sin name un, didn’t she meet you? 165-2. 
xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. 
xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. 

Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, 
drinking or biting. 

samo titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and 
note. 

sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. 

sawinxan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. 

sahwnllutt?, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8. 

mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 

mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 

mis sun xau w ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 

hwns sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 

xd sa win xan, her mouth he put in. 342-7. 

x6 sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 

kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody’s mouth. 257-5. 

Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than 
the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to 
rest. 

a) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the 
ground. 

dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6. 
da ya win a ye, someone sitting. 337-2. 


v° l . 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


59 


dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3. 

da ya na wes a, sat there. 144-11. 

da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2. 

da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. 

daninsa, sit. 107-12. 

da nonin deL, they sat. 179-2. 

da nd te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. 

da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. 

da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. 

da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. 

b) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or lying 
on something higher than the ground. 

da fin xus, fly (on to a tree). 114-2. 
da wil Lat, it jumped on. 113-14. 
da wil ton ei, it jumped. 115-9. 
da nat xfits tse, it lit on. 204-8. 
da no dfi win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 
da xo 6 au« 0 , they jumped. 195-9. 
daxonannei, they jumped. 347-18. 
da tee e xfis, used to light. 150-9. 
datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14. 
da tefi win xfits, he flew up there. 114-1. 

c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher 
than the ground. 

da e iu w tutc, I put. 247-7. 
da e in te, were on a stick. 186-11. 
da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. 
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 
da nal iu w din, it dropped place. 338-4. 
da na xol ten, he put him. 108-1. 
da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17. 
dasinten, lying on something. 186-4. 
da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10. 
da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16. 
da sit tfin, it sits. 246-9. 
da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6. 
dateuwinen, he put fire on. 119-15. 


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d) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface. 
daillel, it always swam (in one place). 266-6. 
daweslal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10. 
da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5. 
da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. 
da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. 
da wit dil, live (said of fish). 365-8. 
da wit diL ne en, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4. 
da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. 
danatlale, it floated. 243-13. 

Unclassified. 

daeiuwkel, I held under. 337-14. 

da yi kin yan e xo lun, mouse has chewed up. 153-15. 

da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. 

da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

dakinyunte, to chew off. 151-9. 

dakyuwestce, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 

da kyu win xa ei, (a plant) stood. 242-3. 

• Dad-, with various meanings, a common significance being 
unknown. 

a) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects. 
da na dti wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 

da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. 
da tee x5 diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. 
da tcit du win kyos, he has taken away. 207-11. 

b) Of running. 

da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 

da din La, run. 176-6. 

da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. 

da tcit du win Lat, he started to run. 176-11. 

c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point¬ 
ing at something. 

da na diL a, shoot. 329-11. 
da na du wiL a, he set another on it. 197-4. 
da na du wiL a, he shot. 329-12. 
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to 
it. 271-10. 


Vol. 3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


61 


d) Of the blowing of the wind. 

da na kit du wit tee in te, the wind blew gently. 273-1. 

da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 

da kit dh wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. 

Ded- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. 
The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound 
which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable, 
de na de iuw mil, I put (in the fire). 247-9. 
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 
de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. 
de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. 
de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. 
de du au hwiL de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 
de du wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11. 
dedu wil late, he will put in the fire 255-15. 
de du wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. 
de du win an, he put in incense. 266-16. 
dedu win tan, he put them in. 150-4. 
de duM? tun, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4. 
de ki dil litc te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

Du- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off. 
duwinxuts, it came off. 157-7. 
tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. 
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. 
tcit du wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. 
tcit du wim mite, he pulled it off. 293-16, 287-2. 

Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of 
wood. 

dje win tseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11 
djewiLkil, he tore away. 176-9. 
dje win tan, spread open. 289-14. 
djena wiLtme, he opened it. 109-2. 
djenyai, it opened. 108-11. 
djet waL, it opened. 281-17. 

Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body 
of water, with special regard to its surface. 


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a) Of motion away from and out of water. 
ta ya is hwal, they caught. 328-4. 

ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 
tanaisdiyai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6. 
tana is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. 
ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. 
ta nauw tu hwuL te, I will take out. 267-18. 
tanaxoauic, they jumped out. 165-6. 
tatciswen, he carried it out. 120-10. 
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out the water. 365-12. 

b) Of motion toward, into, or over water. 
tawesa, will project (of a mountain). 255-2. 

ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 
taneL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15. 

c) Of the coming and going of boats. 
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. 
tawillayei, they went. 362-12. 

ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1. 
tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. 
ta des la, (a boat) has come. 199-3. 
ta des lat, came. 105-2. 
ta des deL xo lun, had come ashore. 101-2. 

d) Of drinking. 

tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 

taidinnun, let us drink water. 179-3. 

tau w din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 

ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. 

ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. 

ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 

tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. 

Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place 
permanently. 

tas ya hwun, one ought to go away. 215-8. 

tasyai, have left. 271-2. 

tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14. 

One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean¬ 
ing with either of the above classes, ta nai xos do wei, they cut 
him all to pieces 106-14, 108-2. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


63 


Te-, unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under 
its surface. 

te in amc hipei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 
te wa ut te, in water I will throw. 111-17. 
tewenqotcte, I will throw in (the water). 112-4. 
tewiltsit, sank (of boats). 153-17. 
te win eL, stand out. 283-14. 

te wit qot te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to 
tumble. 286-13. 

tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4. 

te no du win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3. 

te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. 

te tcu win tan, he put in the water. 101-14. 

te ke I yauiP htrei, go in. 311-2. 

tekeitste, I will shoot in (water). 112-9. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. 

te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10. 

Tsin- means away from in expressions of fleeing, 
tsl yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. 
tsi yun tes dil deL, we went (away from them). 200-1. 
tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 
tsin tit dil din, let us run away. 333-11. 

Tee- has the general meaning of “out of,” and is employed 
of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also 
of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of 
a stream. It is the correlative of ye-. 
a) Of motion out of a house. 
tee e amp, he took out. 333-2. 
tee il qol e xo lan, it had crawled out. 185-11. 
tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. 
tee in namp wei, she used to go out. 136-14. 
tee in diL min, them to come out for. 102-9. 
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11. 
tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. 
tcenamiL, throw them out. 301-13. 


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tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. 

tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 

teeneyate, I will go out. 332-8. 

tee ne yai, I have gone out. 99-14. 

tceniLkait, he put out. 153-9. 

tee nin yai, he went out. 97-16. 

tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1. 

teen ya hwiL te, you will go. 356-8. 

tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 

tee x6 niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. 

tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2. 

b) Of motion out of a small receptacle. 

tceilluw, he used to take out (of a basket). 230-11. 
teenanillai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2. 
tee na niL kait dei, he poked out (of a hollow stump). 
174-9. 

tee na nin an, he took out (from an elder stick). 119-3. 
tee na xon niL ten, he took out (from a sack). 153-7. 
tcenillai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5. 
tee niL ten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2. 
tee nin an, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15. 
tceninyos, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10. 
tee nin tan, he took out (from a quiver). 97-4, 329-10. 

c) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into 
a glade, or to the river shore. 

tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. 
tee in nauw din, where he comes out. 195-3. 
tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. 
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 
tee name, smoke coming out. 170-7. 
tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. 
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down (to the ocean). 
325-8. 

tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. 
tee nin yai, she came down to the beach. 245-15. 
tee nin yai, (he came out (of the brush). 175-14. 
tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. 
tceninkute, he threw out. 144-1. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


65 


tee nin kutc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15. 
tee toil ton, he jumped out. 163-16. 

d) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into 
which it empties, or into the ocean. 

tceyaneL, (canons) ran out. 336-2. 
tceweslinte, will run out. 254-17. 
tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. 
tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. 

e) Of pulling out a knot. 

tceiLtfo, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. 
tceniLtsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. 

Unclassified. 

tcenintik, he pinched out. 143-14. 
tcenimmas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5. 
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. 

Ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a 
vertical surface. 

a) Of motion against or along a vertical surface. 
keisyai, he climbed up. 137-17. 
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 

ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8. 

, kewinxuts, he fell over (perhaps against his load). 
105-17. 

keniLtewit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1. 
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1. 
kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. 

b) Of position against a vertical surface. 
keyanineL, leaning up. 99-6. 
kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1. 
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5. 

ke ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-9. 
ke nin eL, leaning up. 235-9. 

c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the 
fire. 

keyawiLna, they cooked it. 266-10. 
ke win na, she cooked them. 99-9. 
kenawinna, he cooked it. 260-6. 
ke na wiL na din, he cooked them place. 255-11. 


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University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


Prefixes of Pursuit. 

There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search 
for a person or a thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to 
do a thing. 

Wun- is used of looking for a thing the position of which is 
unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some¬ 
thing by persistent effort. 

a) Of pursuing or seeking something. 
wun na is ya, they hunt. 319-3. 
wunnaisdeL, they started (to catch it). 101-17. 

wun nai din xo sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 140-11. 
wun na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10. 
wunnadiLte, he will hunt. 311-14. 

b) Of persistent effort. 

wun na i ya, he worked on it. 226-2. 

wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. 

wun na is ya, he is trying to do. 116-15. 

wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. 

wun no x5n nil. tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. 

c) Of shooting. 

wun non kai, shoot. 144-14. 

wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. 

d) Of animals feeding. 
wunnaxoilyu, come to eat it. 356-12. 
wun na xos yu, went to eat. 364-8. 

Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is 
likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the 
meaning may be that of going over the trail again, 
naintsan, he found signs. 185-11. 
nainkitdei, he caught it. 152-6. 
nai xol tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 
nayaxoLtsan, he found them. 267-15. 
nayaxdtenxa, they tracked him. 170-3. 
na na ya xon nin xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

Xa- implies the going after with the intention of getting 
a thing one has never before possessed. 

xainitte, she looked for it. 243-4. 
xauwte, let me look for it. 104-16. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


67 


xaneitte, she looked for it. 306-13. 
xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14. 
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 
xanuwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. 
xan te, look for it. 243-3. 

Adverbial Prefixes of Manner. 

Iteration. 

Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of 
one’s steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em¬ 
ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as 
in the customary acts of daily life—eating, drinking, sleeping, 
etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root 
(class iii, p. 35), and in other cases it is used without either. No 
corresponding difference of meaning has been discovered, but 
the verbs have been separately listed. 

a) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been 
done, or of going back over the road traveled. 
ye na wil lbs, she dragged it in. 190-2. 
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. 
yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 
menaiyiyauw, they eat it down. 356-13. 
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16. 
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. 
me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. 
na in deL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2. 
nai xon nu wiL hicon, it cured him. 121-13. 
nai diL, let us go home. 175-16. 
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brush him together. 196-3. 
na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. 
nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. 
nanaindeL, they went over. 267-6. 
na nb diu, go away. 266-15. 
nanunya, go back. 187-6. 
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 
nateindil, they went home. 333-13. 
na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 


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na te los, she dragged back. 190-1. 

natesdeL, they started back. 176-17, 329-18. 

na tin dauw, you better go back. 329-3. 

na tin din tsu, he beard them coming home. 329-5. 

na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 

xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. 

xanaxonan, they came up again. 360-10. 

xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 

da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12. 

tanaiswaLei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 

ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. 

tannaxdamc, they jumped out. 165-6. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

tee na ya xon min, throw them out. 302-3. 

tcenamiL, throw them out. 301-13. 

tcenanillai, he drew out. 119-2. 

tee na nil kait dei, he poked out. 174-9. 

tcenanimmeL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. 

tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3. 

tcenanindeL, they went back. 267-9. 

tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 

tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7. 

tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. 

kyu wa na iL tme, he who gives back. 241-4. 

With d or t preceding the root. 

a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. 

in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. 

in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. 

yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15. 

ye na it dame, he went back in. 288-6. 

ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

Le na kil du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1. 
LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16. 
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. 
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. 
naildiLLat, he came running back. 176-16. 


Vol. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of tJu, Uupa Language. 


69 


na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 

na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. 

na in di yai, he got back. 121-16, 98-6. 

na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. 

name di yai, I have come (back). 145-10. 

na wit daL, he is coming back. 152-7. 

na wit dal lit, when he came back. 116-4. 

nanaindiyai, he came back across. 103-11. 

nanawitxuts, he flew back down. 114-2. 

na na it wme, he used to carry it back. 237-8. 

na ne it dame, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5. 

na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. 

na nit dame xo lun, he had come back. 267-7. 

na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5. 

nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

na te it dame, she always went home. 237-6. 

na teL dit dame, she ran back. 157-6. 

natesdiyai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3. 

natindlyane, go home. 337-18. 

nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. 

nonaitdjefi, they came back. 299-10. 

no nan dit dje ii, they got back. 301-15. 

no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2. 

no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. 

nuldiLLat, he ran back. 115-16. 

nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. 

nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. 

xa en nal dit db wei, it drew back. 105-9. 

xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12. 

xanaisdiya.de, if she comes up. 111-6. 

xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 

xdL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 

xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. 

da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. 

da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 

do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 


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do lie in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15. 
ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. 
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. 
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13. 
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 
b) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has 
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately 
preceding. 

aL me na niL tewit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. 

anaidiyau, (we) do this. 361-9. 

a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. 

anauw?late, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. 

a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a na xo wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. 

anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. 

anadistewen, he made himself. 101-14. 

anitditien, we did. 217-7. 

anatcillau, he did. 106-8. 

a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

anatcillate, he will do. 258-4. 

ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. 

a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3, 210-2. 

yanametuw, I will pick up. 286-9. 

ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. 

yanawifiai, she sat down. 136-6. 

yanawinaye, he sitting down. 120-5. 

yanawinen, he carried. 172-1. 

yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 

ya na tuk kai tcis tewen, he made come between. 144-2. 

ya na ke u wuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3. 

ya na kyu wiL tsil Hl te, they may split. 109-8. 

ye nai din, let us go in. 210-13. 

yenawilLat, he came in. 329-9. 

ye na win ten, she put it in. 136-5. 

yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. 


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71 


yenalLat, ran in. 329-8. 
yenaxowiltfo, dressed in. 328-8. 
yenaxoLwaL, he threw him. 106-13. 
ye nun dame, come in. 98-17. 
yo naL tsis de, if he knows. 348-6. 
yonaLtsitte, he will know. 295-13. 

Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 

Le na il lu to, she started the fire. 153-1. 

Lenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5. 

Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. 

Lena wil la, a fire. 170-9. 

Le na luw, he built a fire. 235-14. 

Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12. 

Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 

Le na nil la x5 lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 
Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. 

Le na niL ten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10. 

Le na nifi deL, they went clear round. 102-1. 

Lenakillane, gather together. 192-8. 

me nai lute te, I will watch. 217-13. 

me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. 

me nauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17. 

menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 

me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. 

menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11. 

me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15 

mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. 

na a ya dis tsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. 

na iuw? loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. 

nai xe neuw te, he will talk. 295-13. 

nai xoi iL tewe ei, they make him. 196-6. 

nai xol tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 

naisdauweaxdlun, it had melted away. 236-1. 

naistewen, he made. 110-12. 

na is tewin teL, he will make. 321-11. 

nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. 

nametewe, I am going to make. 301-1. 


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na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 

na ya is tcwen, they made. 284-1. 

nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8. 

na ya nil luw’ ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. 

nayaxoLtsan, he found them. 267-15. 

nayadeltse, they lived as before. 172-5. 

nayatesin fl x, she looked. 300-17. 

nawillit, he nearly burned. 330-1. 

na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. 

nawillitte* will be burned. 151-5. 

na win Lit, she burned. 311-12. 

nawinkuts, he became eold. 330-4. 

na wit dil Hl te, we will visit continually. 177-2. 

nalhirinte, will melt away. 273-6. 

naL yeti w, rest. 280-5. 

nanaimrme, I bathe it. 247-1. 

nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 

na nai me, I bathed. 311-8. 

nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

na na is ya e xo lan, she could walk. 276-11. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

na na lat de, it was floating. 244-9. 

na naL its, running around. 295-10. 

na nan ya, studied again. 103-2. 

na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. 

nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. 

na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. 

nanaduwaal, rose up. 103-13. 

na na du win a, it stands. 364-14. 

nanaduwineL, they stuck up. 106-14. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. 

nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

na ne iuw? hwon, he gets well. 196-4. 

na ne iL en, she looked at. 245-14. 

na ne wit dil in iL te, he will look at. 216-18. 

na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14. 

naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Uupa Language. 


73 


na nu win hicon te, it will be good weather. 273-5. 

na hw?oL tsan, you see me. 230-5. 

na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9. 

na xo u hwe, he will call. 283-11. 

naxowestsan, he was found. 230-3. 

na xo win tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. 

na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. 

na xo win tsai ye, creeks would dry up. 111-12. 

na xon mil xu luw, they were getting ready. 116-4. 

na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5. 

naxoLtun, let it get soft. 233-6. 

na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

naseLte, we will visit. 174-2. 

naseLtcwen, I made. 296-2. 

naseLtcwin, I make. 302-11. 

na seL tcwin te, I am doing it again. 254-4. 

na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. 

nadiltcwun, eating. 176-9. 

naduwilye, they danced again. 215-13. 

na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. 

na duw in, let me watch. 259-14. 

natenen, he looked. 97-18. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

nateninte, you will look. 356-5. 

nakinneLden, she made it blaze. 288-11. 

nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. 

na kit te it how, she always made baskets. 157-3. 

na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3. 

nakitteLon, she wove another round. 305-7. 

nakitteLon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

nakyuwinxa, it grows. 364-11. 

naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 

no na iuw xau w, I will leave it. 247-3. 

nonailluw, she left off. 332-10. 

nonaiLkyos, she put away. 333-7. 

no nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3. 

no nai nin an, he left. 355-10. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 6. 


74 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth ' 


no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 

n6 na uw autc, I never leave. 248-1. 

no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 

nonanaun, I might leave. 223-3. 

nonaniLten, he put it. 221-11. 

nonaneun, I will leave. 296-5. 

no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. 

no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. 

no na nin deL xo lan, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. 

no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

nonaxontsu, they had finished fill the grave. 175-15. 

no na xol tuw, he had her laid. 342-8. 

no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. 

nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no na kin au w ne, you must leave. 353-10. 

no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

nu wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7. 

nundillene, you may become. 108-3. 

xa a na toil lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xa na xo in tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 

xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14. 

xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xax a na nu wis t e te, it will be lighter. 357-6. 

xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. 

xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 

xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. 

xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. 

xoinalweL, he stayed over night. 121-16. 

xoi na teL weL, they camped. 116-7. 

xon a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. 

xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. 

sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6. 

sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 


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75 


danai wiLkilliLte, fog will stay. 273-2. 

da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

danawillai, she put it. 308-2. 

da na wil lax, it was floating there. 325-3. 

da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 

da na xol ten, he put him. 108-1. 

danadexwaL, he poured it. 281-17. 

danadoLa, he can shoot. 145-1. 

danaduwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4. 

danaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12. 

da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 

da na kin neu/r eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 

de na de imo mil, I put. 247-9. 

de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

doonawesenei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 

doLenanella, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 

dominnanalmr, he never thought of. 341-5. 

d5 na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. 

do na iL tsun de, they won’t find again. 321-10. 

donais tcwin, (nobody) could make. 322-8. 

do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. 

da na du wiL a ei, he hit. 145-2. 

do na ya x5l tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. 

d6 na ya xol tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. 

do na hwm wes tsun hirun, must not be seen again. 217-18. 

do na x5 wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. 

do na xol tsun °x x6 lin, you won’t see him any more. 

306-6. 

do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. 

do tco xo na wil lan, (one of them) went away. 343-8. 

dje na wiLtmr, he opened it. 109-2. 

ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 

te na wes a, into the water ran out. 365-1. 

tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. 

tee na il lin xo lan, used to run. 117-18. 

tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. 

ke na win na, he cooked it. 260-6. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - A- 803 - Eth. 


ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. 
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5. 
kinnaislal, he dreamed. 191-6. 
kin name Ian, I dreamed. 191-8. 

With d or t preceding the root. 

b) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has 
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre¬ 
ceding. 

anauwdiyau, I did it. 282-5. 
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 
a na di yau, it did that. 244-11. 
a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. 
ana dil le, fix yourself. 170-1. 
a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1. 
ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1. 
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. 
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. 

Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 

Le na it dauw, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. 

Le name dil la, I have a fire. 351-6. 

Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4. 

na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. 

na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. 

na wit dil liL te, we will visit continually. 177-2. 

na na is dits tse, he turned around. 314-6. 

na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. 

na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 

na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 

na dil le te ne en, it was going to happen. 117-5. 

na dil lu, it will be. 243-2. 

na ten ditc tewen, he grew. 96-1. 

na ten ditc tewin xo lun, they had grown. 119-7. 

natleliLte, it will become. 312-4. 

no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 

no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 77* 

no na wit fats, it is cut down. 144-17. 

xaanaityau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xoi na se il de qdl, on her it kept crawling. 185-2. 

da nat xuts tse, it lit on it. 204-8. 

da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 

do na xos dil le te, it will be no more. 228-4. 

d5 nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 

do na ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. 

ta nai win nun de, 1 if he drinks. 337-16. 

ta nai win nun te, 1 he will drink. 337-18. 

Identity. 

Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ¬ 
ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different 
person. 

xa ai ya xol in Q x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa a in in te, that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. 

xa a it yau, she did that. 98-8. 

xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. 

xa au w di ya te, what I am going to do. 202-8. 

xa a ya iL in fi x, they did that. 105-10. 

xa a wil leu te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17. 

xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. 

xa a win nen te, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xaaxdlau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 

xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a xol tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. 

xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. 

xa a di yau, the way he does. 337-17. 

xaadiyauei, it did that. 289-16. 

xa a di ya ten, that way it will be. 341-16. 

xa a til teox, that strong. 294-3. 


1 The third syllable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n. 



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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


xa a fan wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xaaiinwinie, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. 

xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xaatcillau, the same thing he did. 211-1. 

xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12. 

xa a kin in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xa ul le, do that. 165-19. 

xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10. 

do xa a xnv ne xo xo lin, I won’t do that. 230-15. 

doxaamctfen, I never do that. 109-4. 

doxaundiyau, you don’t do that. 343-13. 


Distribution. 

Te- means either that the act took place here and there in 
space, or continuously over space; or that one person after an¬ 
other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite 
past, present, and future tenses by -s-. 
a) Of traveling, or carrying something. 

yatenkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14. 

ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 

ya tes yai, he went away. 360-4. 

na te de qot, he tumbled. 114-15. 

na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 

na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. 

na te it dauw?, she always went home. 237-6. 

natelos, she dragged it back. 190-1. 

na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. 

na teL men, he made it swim. 266-1. 

na teL dit dame, he ran. 100-13, 157-6. 

na ten ten, he took along. 282-3. 

na tes deL, they started back. 329-18. 

na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13. 

na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. 

natin dame, you better go back. 329-3. 

na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. 

na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 

nin te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. 


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79 


nit to din, come. 113-16. 

hwiL teL damr, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11. 

hwiL te sin ya te, with me you may go. 187-7. 

xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. 

xoLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2. 

x5l tes deL, with him they went. 110-7. 

xol tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. 

xoteeamc, which runs along. 363-14. 

do he min ten dauw, he did not run for it. 112-13. 

dd tcit tes yate sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. 

teinnauw, (dawn) comes. 310-7. 

te in nau w hirei, they went along. 334-4. 

teindil, they flew along. 317-3. 

te it tu w, it always floated. 

te win amc htcil, it crawls. 311-4. 

teLatc, a pack-train came. 200-1, 200-9. 

te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

te se yai, I went away. 353-6. 

te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9. 

te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 

tesoLtinte, you will take (my child). 222-7. 

tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. 

tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15, 245-8. 

tes deL ei, (all) flew away. 159-12. 

tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. 

te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12. 

tillu, they came. 254-12. 

tin xauw ne, you take along. 246-13. 

tsl yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. 

tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 

tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. 

tee xo ten ten, he took him along. 210-15. 

tcintellai, they brought (deerskins). 230-15. 

tcit te il qol le xo lan, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. 

tcit te in name, he used to come along. 162-3. 

tcit te in na uw xo lan, he had traveled he saw. 186-8. 

tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. 

tcit te it tewu, he always cried. 186-8. 


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University of California Publications. t AM - A 803 - Eth - 


tcit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9. 

tcit teL dauw, she ran up. 152-15. 

tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. 

tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. 

tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6. 

tcit teL qol, he crawled. 347-8. 

tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. 

tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. 

tcit tes ya ye xo lan, he had traveled he saw. 186-1. 

tcit tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. 

tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. 

tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. 

tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15. 

tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. 

tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. 

tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2. 

tcit tu win na htmL de, it will pass there. 272-8. 

kit te I yautfl, they come to feed. 310-10. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kit teL tits, he walked with (for a cane). 317-7, 152-12. 

kit tl yauw?, they came. 98-3. 

b) Of doing something as one travels along. 
ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. 
yateittcwu, they cried along. 179-12. 
na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. 
tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. 
tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 
tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. 
ted xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. 
kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. 
kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. 
kittehwil, he called along. 98-4. 
kit te seL tsas te, I will whip (as I walk). 317-8. 
kyateLtcwe, she heard cry. 135-9. 
kya teL tcwu we tsu, cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. 
kya tu wil tcwel, he heard crying along. 135-10. 


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c) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move¬ 
ments, or considerable duration for their accomplishment. 

yateLwis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. 
yl kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. 
nain teL dik, he pecked. 113-14. 
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. 
na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 
na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. 
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10. 
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9. 
natetseyei, he opened the door. 97-10. 
na kit te it Low, she always made baskets. 157-3. 
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. 
nit te sil lal le, you would go to sleep. 203-1. 
xol xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. 
xol xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. 
xol xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move used 
to be. 342-4. 

xol te il lit, he smoked himself. 

xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. 

do a du wun tel wis he, don’t be frightened. 356-2. 

do nit djeteltsitne, don’t get excited. 170-18. 

do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9. 

do he tel lit, it would not burn. 363-1. 

te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. 

te suw in, I am going to look. 171-2. 

te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. 

tee xo teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17. 

tcitteyos, she stretched. 158-13. 

tcit teL lu, he rubbed it. 278-10. 

tcitteLtaL, dancing. 362-4. 

tcit tes lai, he drew a bow. 144-15. 

tcittetewen, she waved fire. 242-12. 

tcit tete lai, she rubbed. 307-3. 

tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. 

tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16. 

tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. 

kitteit Low, one who always made baskets. 324-5. 


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kitteyow, water flowed out. 100-11. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. 

kittlyow, she made it flow. 158-12. 

kit tu«? hwaL, I hook. 107-5. 

kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. 

d) Of a process requiring considerable time. 

a til teox teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. 

yateutcwen, they grew. 265-1. 

na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 

na teL dite tcwen ne dun, she grew time. 325-6. 

na teL ditc tcwiii xo lun, they had grown. 119-10. 

x5l teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18. 

do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7. 

te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2. 

te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5. 

teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6. 

teL tcwen xo lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 

teLtcwinde, when it grows. 267-5. 

te sil tcwen ne dun, ever since you grew time. 337-13. 

tes tcwin ne en tein, where I was brought up. 117-13. 

tediyunte, they will live to old age. 227-7. 

til tcwen, it grows. 296-12. 

til tcwen ne en, used to grow. 233-1. 

tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. 

tcit teL tcwin hwun, he may grow. 348-6. 

e) Of separate acts repeated in time or space. 
yatemitc, they pulled off. 179-10. 
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. 

ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. 

na dit teL waL, he threw them. 109-16. 

no ya te meL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 

tee te xan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5. 

tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. 

tcit tete meL, he scattered them. 101-4. 

tcit te tot, he drank (repeated draughts). 112-15. 

tcittetewai, she buried in several places. 192-12. 


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f) Of acts done by several persons in succession. 
ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17. 
ye teit te deL, they went into. 142-9. 
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 
xatedimmil, chips flew off. 113-13. 
xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7. 

xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. 

da no teL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. 

tetmeL, (sand) scattered. 117-16. 

tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 

tcintedeL, they got there. 138-5, 198-3. 

tcit teL tewen, one after the other grew. 207-1. 

tcit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6. 

g) Of things begun. 

notedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11. 
no te duk kai ten, they were about to starve. 191-18. 
tcis se ten wen e xd lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 
tcoyatexait, they began to buy. 200-8. 
kitteakutc, they begin to play. 142-16. 
kittehtce, he began to dig. 100-8. 

h) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the 
above classes they belong. 

na teutc in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 

na ten en, he looked. 97-18. 

na ten in iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. 

do teen, I don’t look. 351-8. 

teien, I looked. 238-4. 

ten in te, you will look. 140-7. 

tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. 

tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. 

tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. 

tcit te te en, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. 

K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs as a prefix or 
infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to 
the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for 
this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies an 


84 University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 

indefinite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others. 
Because of a remark of Father Morice, 1 verbs in which the prefix 
might refer to breaking, cutting or tearing have been listed 
separately. 

Words definitely changing their meaning because of the pres¬ 
ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin nin un te, 
‘ ‘ one should leave, ’ ’ carries the meaning of leaving permanently 
as a present; while no na nin un te, would mean to leave some¬ 
thing of one’s own which one expects to repossess. NakisdeL, 
“they came around,” indicates that the persons in question 
wandered among the houses of the village; naisdeL, would 
have been employed if they had come back to a definite place. 
Kyuw xa,uw, means, let me fish, but iu w xautc, let me catch it. 
Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteness 
of place, duration or number of the acts or states. 

a) Probably employed with transitive verbs which have no 
expressed object. 

yik kyu win yan, he ate. 319-7. 

yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. 

makiLkit, she fed the little one. 192-1. 

makyutokit, I better feed them. 192-1. 

na kin yun, come eat. 153-9, 192-7. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. 

dokeyan, I don’t eat. 351-7. 

do kit tl yautc, they never went out to feed. 97-11. 

dokyan, she didn’t eat. 157-2. 

do kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4. 

ke i yan, he used to eat. 237-6. 

keiyun, I might eat. 98-13. 

kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

keuL Q x, she chewed. 276-3. 

keyun, he had eaten. 332-6. 

kinuL fl x, you chew. 275-2. 

kin yun, eat it. 166-6. 

kin nin yan nei, they came out to feed. 180-13. 
kyd yun, you eat. 192-2. 


3 Work cited, p. 200. 



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85 


kyuwinyan, he went to eating. 98-18. 
kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1. 
kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. 
kyu hwmn il, I ate along. 120-16. 

b) Possibly having some connection with breaking. 
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 
yanakyuwiLtsilliLte, they may split. 109-8. 
yl kis mut ei, it broke. 289-15. 

wa kin nil lit xo lan, they were burned through. 119-3. 
wa kin nin seL xo lan, it was heated through he saw. 
329-16. 

min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 
278-5. 

min nd kin kil, he opened. 113-5. 

min no ky5L dik, pick open. 112-17. 

na kis yo w htrei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 

niyunkiLUL, they were cutting them. 101-2. 

nin kyu wiL an, he cut it. 266-10. 

xakelure, (she went) to dig. 135-2. 

xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3. 

donkyuwtuw, I am splitting. 108-9. 

do he xa kin yd w, it did not come out. 105-5. 

tee kin nin h we, he had finished digging. 100-9. 

kin tu w hwa, you are splitting ? 108-7. 

kit din hwe ten din, where he would dig out. 100-1. 

kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. 

kit du. win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. 

kitteyow?, it flowed out. 100-11. 

kit te h we, he began to dig. 100-8. 

kit te fats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. 

kit ti yow, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12. 

kyu wa is tewit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7. 

c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefiniteness 
to the verb's application as to time, place, or object. 

aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 
ai kit in xo sin, it did that. 223-4. 
ai kyuw en, I will do. 230-16. 
ai kyu wil lei lin te, they will do. 230-8. 


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a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. 
a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. 
a diL no ke iL qo w, he used to throw himself with. 202-4. 
a kil lau, they did. 266-13. 
akiLen, what they do. 322-1. 
akittisseox, smartest. 321-11. 
akyole, you do. 198-2. 
yai kyu wiltfats, blanket of strips. 207-5. 
ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4. 
yanakeuwuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. 
yanakillai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 
yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3. 
ya ke wel, carrying loads. 110-3. 
ya ke wu w htcei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 
yakiLtsis, (he made) it sprinkle. 338-2. 
ya kin wu to, carry it. 105-18. 
yakinwenne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 
ya kyu wil kyan ne xo lan, they found they were preg¬ 
nant. 278-3. 

ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11. 

ye kin wis, he bored a hole. 197-3. 

yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. 

ye kiL tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. 

ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. 

ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 

yekyuwestce, the wind blew in. 270-4. 

ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. 

yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. 

yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. 

yi kit tu hiral, he hooks. 107-6. 

yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. 

yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 

wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. 

Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 

Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gather up (bones). 171-12. 
Lena kil lane, gather up (your things). 192-8. 

Le na kil du hieot, it grew back on. 164-1. 

Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. 


Vol. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


87 


Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. 

me ya kyu wiL tel, everybody sang. 234-1. 

menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. 

me na kyu wiL tti, they sang again? 238-15. 

miL wa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them. 200-4. 

min xot da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. 

min na na kit del kai, sitting with one leg each side. 163-7. 

min noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15. 

min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. 

mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. 

nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 

nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. 

nai kyu win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3. 

nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 

na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. 

na ka xus din na tsu, someone moving he heard. 165-18. 

na kin neL den, she made a blaze. 288-11. 

na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13. 

nakisle, he felt. 107-15. 

na kis Lon, she made baskets. 189-5. 

nakisdeL, they came around. 200-2. 

na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14. 

na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. 

na kit te it Low, she always made baskets. 157-3. 

na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. 

nakitteLon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. 

na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 

na kyu wil iik, he was tied with a string. 351-10. 

na kyu wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11. 

na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

na kyu win xa, it grows. 364-11. 

nik kyo wun, go to sleep. 294-5. 

nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

noi ki yow din, as far as it goes. 311-6. 

no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 


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University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


no na kin au w ne, you must leave. 353-10. 
nd na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 
nokeiuwqot, I always set up. 247-4. 
no kiL dje xa in name, she quit fighting. 333-6. 
no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. 
no kin nin yow, were scattered about. 145-3. 
no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 
nokyuwiltaL, final dancing place. 105-6. 
hwis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 
hwik kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6. 
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 
xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 
xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5. 
xa na kyu x51 da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7. 
xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4. 
xa kyu witc tee liL te, the wind will blow out from the 
ground. 272-10. 

xeenakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9. 

xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. 

xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. 

xoLyakitwul, with him he seesawed. 107-10. 

xol no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. 

xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 

xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. 

xot da ke i yauw>, they came down the hill. 310-6. 

xot da kyu wes tee, it blows down. 227-7. 

xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. 

da nai ke xon tewai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

da na kin neuw? eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 

da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 

da kiL kis, he put bis hand. 140-3. 

da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 

da kit du wes tee, the wind blew,. 324-4. 

da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


89 


da kyu win xa ei, it stood. 242-3. 

de kit dil litc te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

do kin tcwit, he never pushes it. 106-12. 

ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 

ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. 

te ke I yamc hwei, go in. 311-2. 

tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. 

tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2. 

tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. 

ke it Lo, she used to make baskets. 189-1. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 

kewinxuts, he fell over. 105-17. 

kinnaislal, she dreamed. 191-6. 

kin name laL, I dreamed. 191-8. 

kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 

kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14. 

kin nin in hit, when she came with the load. 238-1. 

kin no de eL, they stick. 363-15. 

kislete, they will catch many. 257-10. 

kis xun, a tree standing. 113-7. 

kistseLtse, pounding they heard. 170-6. 

kit tai yin tsit, they were soaking acorns. 

kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. 

kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9, 209-3. 

kit tea kutc, they begin to play. 142-16. 

kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. 

kit tel yarn#, they came to feed. 310-10. 

kit te it Low, who always made baskets. 324-5. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. 

kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. 

kittehwil, he called along. 98-4. 

kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. 

ldt te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. 


Am. Aech. Eth. 3. 7. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


kittiyamc, they came. 98-3. 

kittiyow, he caused to flow. 158-12. 

kittinenne, carry them. 237-3. 

kittuwhiraL, a hook. 107-5. 

kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. 

kyadane, they picked. 138-7. 

kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 
kyateLtcwe, she heard it cry. 135-9. 
kya ten tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. 
kya tu wil tcwel, he was crying along. 135-10. 
kyo ya win hical, they fished. 328-3. 
kyoL kis xo sin xo lan, spearing salmon they had been he 
saw. 140-11. 

kyohwalle, somebody hooking. 106-15. 

kyo du win tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 

kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. 

kyo din tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

kyu wa na in tu ic, he who gives back. 241-4. 

kyuwennuw, it thundered. 144-5. 

kyu wes tee ei, it blew she saw. 324-9. 

kyuwilmedj, he boiled. 166-5. 

kyu wil tel, it was paved. 140-6. 

kyu win nai da, to hunt they traveled. 190-15. 

kyu win nan xo lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. 

kyu win xa, she left standing (a tree). 289-8. 

kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. 

kyu win din tsu, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3, 152-1. 

kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 

kyuwinket, it creaked. 114-17. 

kyu wit noL, it was blazing. 109-11. 

kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 

kyu wit tewok kai, are strung on a line. 165-8. 

kyuwtcwit, let me push it. 106-11. 

kyun xo w tu, I am begging. 152-13. 

A- introduces verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear¬ 
ing. It seems to have no definite meaning. It is omitted in verbs 
of saying and thinking whenever the direct object directly pre- 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


91 


cedes the verb. It may possibly be an indefinite object for the 
verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is 
expressed. 


a) With verbs of thinking and saying. 

ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. 

ainesen, I thought. 187-3. 

aininsinne, you must think. 208-17. 

ai nuw sin, I thought so. 353-3. 

ai xol ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. 

ai xol den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. 

a yai xol du wen ne, they said. 165-2. 

a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7. 

a yaL de iuM? ne, I told them. 301-1. 

a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. 

ayan, said that. 116-17. 

a ya du win nel, they were saying. 153-14. 

aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6. 

a na hiciL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. 

an tsu, he heard cry. 281-13. 

a hicih tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16. 

a hwiL tcit den hw)un, he must tell me. 314-11. 

a hwiL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. 

a xol tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. 

a xol tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. 

a den ne, he said. 97-15. 

a den de, if he sings. 236-2. 

a den tsu, she heard cry. 171-3. 

a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 

atcoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4, 137-4. 

atcondesne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6. 

xa a xol tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. 

do ai nin sin G x, you don’t think. 337-9. 

do a httuL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. 

do a du win ne he, don’t say that. 175-1. 


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University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth ' 


b) With verbs of doing or happening} 
aennu, it does it. 275-5. 
ai la te, they will catch. 253-10. 
a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2. 
a iL in ne en, used to chase. 322-5. 
a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. 
ainnu, he did. 288-9. 

ainnumiL, when the sun was (here). 332-4. 

aixoiille, they do with him. 196-7. 

a it yau xo lun, tired he was. 346-10. 

aityade, if he does. 348-7. 

aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 

ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 

aikyuicen, I will do. 230-16. 

ai kyu wil lei Hl te, they will do. 230-8. 

au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. 

au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 

auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. 

auwinneLde, if it happens. 117-9. 

auwlau, I have done. 260-3. 

amo la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 

a nw dl ya, I might manage it. 101-11. 

autcdiyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. 

amo di ya te, am I going to do this. 257-14. 

auw fin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 

ayainnu, they used to have sports. 305-2. 

ayaxola, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9. 

a ya fen, they did. 305-5. 

a ya fin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. 

ayatcillau, they fixed. 172-4. 

ayatcone, let them do that. 365-16. 

a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11. 

awinneLte, it will be. 289-11. 

awinnu, one should do. 99-11. 

a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15. 

alene, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. 

1 Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from 
verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots they contain. 



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93 


a nai dl yau, do this. 361-9. 

a nauw la te, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a name dl yau, I did it. 282-5, 325-12. 

anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 

a na xo wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. 

anadiyau, it did that. 244-11. 

anaditien, we did. 217-7. 

ana toil lau, he did. 106-8. 

a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1. 

a hied la, you have treated me. 166-12. 

a xo wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1. 

a xo la de, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

a xo dil la, we could do with him. 116-16. 

a dl yau wei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14. 

a di ya ten, it would do. 234-11. 

a ten, did it. 

a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. 

atinwestfe, had done. 325-10. 

atfinte, (Indians) will do. 215-9. 

a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5. 

akillau, they did. 266-13. 

akiLen, what they do. 322-1. 

akyole, you do. 198-2. 

akyu willelliLte, it will do. 236-3. 

ma a kin en ne en, their doings. 361-11. 

xa ai ya xol in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. 

xaaininte, that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. 

xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. 

xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. 

xa ame di ya te, I am going to do what. 202-8. 

xaayainin^x, they did that. 105-10. 

xaawillente, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 


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xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xaaxdlau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 

xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. 

xa a di yateL, that way it will be. 341-16. 

xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xa a /in win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. 

xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xa a tcil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1. 

xa a teit yau, that he did. 280-12. 

xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, will do that. 211-18. 

da xo a di ya xo lan, was dead they found out. 175-11. 

daxoa/en, who die. 346-4. 

da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 

do xa au w ten, I don’t do that. 109-4. 

doxaundiyau, you don’t do that. 343-13. 

do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. 

c) With verbs of appearing. 

ain/e, how he appeared. 209-5. 
a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. 
ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. 
an eete, he looked that way. 321-7. 
a nu wes te, he looked. 143-14, 182-2. 
atcin/edetc, he is 351-2. 
a kit tis seox, smartest. 321-11. 

Xo- prefixed to a verbal root forms a word, usually unlimited 
as to person and number. Several of these are used as auxil¬ 
iaries and suffixes. 

xo win tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 225-7. 

xo win kuts, it was cold. 169-3. 

xowittse, it was crowded. 238-9. 

xo len, she has. 333-9. 

xdlin, (I wish) was. 340-7. 

xo lun, he saw. 144-4, 361-16. 

xo lun ten, that will do it. 328-9, 209-12. 

xo Lit, a noise. 241-2. 


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xos tuts miL, on account of the cold. 271-11. 
do xo len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2. 
do x6 lin, it is gone. 141-8. 
do xos le, there was none. 98-7, 322-5. 

CONJUGATIONS. 

When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable 
immediately preceding the root in the definite tenses, they fall 
into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables 
which characterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite 
tenses being the peculiarity of the fourth conjugation. 

By far the greater number of verbs have a syllable preceding 
the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial 
sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first, 
upon the number and person of the particular form appearing; 
and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens 
to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the 
conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no 
definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or 
wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. From other 
Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its use 
originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view 
is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in 
Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind 
without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a 
pond of water which has been caused by rain, win xa, ‘ £ water 
lies there ’ ’; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nan xa. 

In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has 
n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite 
tenses. It occurs in a few cases without a prefix, where the 
meaning shows that the completion of the act is in the mind of 
the speaker, e.g., ninyade, “if he comes,” 334-10. Its use, 
however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes 
which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the 
meaning of completion, as no-, meaning the placing of some¬ 
thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion. 

Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is 
made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the inflected 


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syllable. In meaning, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast 
with the two preceding conjugations, in that the act or state is 
conceived as existing over considerable extent of time or space. 
Xaisyai, “he came up the hill”; xaisxan, “he brought 
water up the hill”; xa win yai, “he came out of the smoke- 
hole”; xawinxan, “he took water out of a well.” In some 
cases where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the 
forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con¬ 
tinued act is the one meant. 

After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations 
have been eliminated there remains a considerable number which 
differ in form from the others in that they have none of the 
definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres¬ 
ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable. 
As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation, 
they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its 
boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than 
specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking, 
hearing, seeing, dying, and many others. 

The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to 
the phonetic changes suffered after various prefixes. 


Class I. 


Conjugation 1a. 


Tee xauw, he is catching. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 


Plural, 
it de xauw 
o xau w 
ya xauw 
yai xauto 


1. mwxaww 

2. inxauw 

3. teexamo 
3a. yexamc 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin iu w xauto 


Plural. 

doxolin itdexame 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


ye xau w 


in xauw 
tee xauw? 


6 xau w 
ya xau w 
yai xautfl 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


97 


Singular. 

2. inxauw 

3. tcoxamc 
3a. yoxauw 


Singular. 

1. eiuicxauw? 

2. einxauia 

3. tceexauw 
3a. yeexauw? 

Singular. 

1. we xun 

2. winxun 

3. tcu win xun 
3a. yu win xun 

Singular. 

1. wexan 

2. winxan 

3. tcu winxan 
3a. yu winxan 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
dxauw 
ya tco xauia 
yai yo x&uw 

Customary. 

Plural. 

e it de xauto 
e 6 xauw? 
ya e xauta 
yai e xau«? 

Present Definite. 

Plural, 
wit de xun 
wo xun 
ya win xun 
yai win xun 
Past Definite. 

Plural, 
wit de xan 
wo xan 
ya win xan 
yai win xan 


The Signs of Person and Number. 

Since the verb whose conjugation is given above has no prefix, 
the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person 
and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form 
as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the 
signs of person in the first and second person singular and 
plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third 
person. 

First Person .—The sign of the first person singular appears 
as iuw?-. The first sound, represented by i, is one of the 
weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears as the support 
of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding 
or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by u, 
is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the 
position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by 
unvoiced breath passing through the mouth, which is in the 
position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the 
first person singular, hire. The other dialects of the Pacific 
Division of the Athapascan languages have -ic- or -is- for 
the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The 
corresponding pronoun in those dialects is cl or ce. 1 

First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person itde- 
is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears 
to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso¬ 
nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap¬ 
pens in the Hupa language. When the following syllable begins 
with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely 
related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of 
post-palatal k, u is frequently employed, as it might also be 
in the present case. Some speakers say itduxxautr. The 
first syllable of this sign, it, seems to consist of the weak vowel 
i, which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken 
over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That 
this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a 
preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently 
contracting with it. 

There is no apparent connection between this sign and the 
pronoun of the first person plural, ne he. 

Second Person Singular. —For the sign of the second person 
singular in- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in- 
before dentals and im- before m, the only labial. When the 
sign follows a prefix ending in a vowel, n appears as the final 
sound of the prefix. This sign, -n or in, is perhaps connected 
with the personal pronoun of the second person singular, nin. 

Second Person Plural. —In this case the vowel 5- stands 
alone, forming the initial syllable. It is of normal length but 
somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and aspir¬ 
ated. While it does not approach the sound of the so-called short 
o in English, it impresses the ear as dull in quality. It may or 
may not be related genetically with the vowel of the personal 
pronoun of the second person plural, nd hin. 

1 This phonetic change of c to htr and uir is regular between the 
other dialects of this group and Hupa. 



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99 


Third Person Singular. —Two forms occur in Hupa for the 
third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in 
speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form 
is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged 
people; of members of other tribes and races; and of animals. 
The first form begins with tc-, which are constant. Before 
vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes 
over the consonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant. The 
vowel in that case is i, or before k, u. In the present case 
the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is 
written here, or u. It is equally hard to determine whether the 
x belongs to both syllables or only to the last. 

There is no personal pronoun from which this sign could have 
been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class 
would point to a demonstrative origin. 

The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the 
same combinations w T ith the following sounds that tc do in 
the first form, except that before vow r els it has i for its vowel, 
instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative 
pronoun y5. 

Third Person Plural. —As in the singular, two forms appear. 
The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural 
in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra¬ 
tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-. 
The diphthong in this case has the clear, prominent sound of I 
as its last element. 

Imperative. 

The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres¬ 
ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may 
mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only 
that he announces his intention or desire to immediately begin 
doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only 
mean that the person spoken to is doing the thing, usually quite 
unnecessary information, or they may convey the command or 
exhortation to do it. 

In the place of the third person of the present a different 
form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third 
person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is 


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tco-, which characterizes both singular and plural, but with a 
preceding syllable, ya-, in the plural. For all others the form 
is either yo- or 6-. This third person with 6, alone or in 
combination, may be connected with a future tense found in 
Navaho which also has an o. 


Definite Tenses. 

In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign 
is w-. nothing is found different from the person and number 
signs already discussed except the first person singular and the 
third person singular and plural. 

First Person Singular .—Proceeding on the assumption that 
w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e, 
the vowel of the first syllable. This conclusion is borne out by 
all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan¬ 
guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is 
of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the 
usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but 
on longer acquaintance is easily distinguished from it, except 
when it is followed by y. There seems to be nothing elsewhere 
in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to 
connect it. 

Third Person Singular and Plural .—The sign of the third 
person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel 
u in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If 
the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, in of 
the middle syllable remains unexplained. 


Intransitive verb, with a different root iyi the plural, 
ular.) 

Ye tcin nau«/, 


Singular. 

1. ye mu> htrautc 

2. ye in yauio 

3. ye tcin nau w 
3 a. ye in nauw> 


he goes in. 

Present Indefinite. 

Dual, 
yeedin 
ye o diL 
ye tcin din 
ye in diL 


(Irreg- 


Plural, 
ye yai diL 

ye ya in diL 
ye yun diL 


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Vol. 3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


Singular. 

Impotential. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. do xo lin ye mw htcamo do xo lin ye e dil 

ye yai dil 

2. ye in yarn# 

ye 6 dil 


3. ye tcin name 

ye tcin dil ya ya in dil 

3a. ye in nauw* 

ye in dil ye yun dil 

Singular. 

Imperative. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. yeimchwa 

yeedii. (ye en) 


2. ye in yam o 

ye 5 diL 


3. yetcoya 

ye tcon dir. 

ye ya tcon din 

3a. ye 6 ya 

ye on diL 

ye ya on diL 

Singular. 

Customary. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. ye e imo hwamv 

ye e e dil 

ye ya e dil 

2. ye e in yau w 

ye 6 6 dil 


3. ye tee in name? 

ye tee in dil 

ye ya in dil 

3a. ye e in nauw 

ye e in dil 

ye ya in dil 

Singular. 

Present Definite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. yeweya 

ye we deL (ye weL) 

ye yai deL 

2. ye win ya 

ye wo deL 


3. ye tcu win ya 

ye tcu win deL 

ye ya win deL 

3a. ye win ya 

ye win deL 

ye yan deL 

Singular. 

Past Definite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. ye we yai 

ye we deL 

ye yai deL 

2. ye win yai 

ye wo deL 


3. ye tcu win yai 

ye tcu win deL 

ye ya win deL 

3a. ye win yai 

ye win deL 

ye yan deL 


Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same 
signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive, with 
the exception of the first person dual. Instead of itde, e is 
found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the 
first person singular of the definite tenses. The number is espe- 


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University of California Publications. C Am - ArchJEth. 


eially marked by a root entirely different from that in the singu¬ 
lar. These verbs with different roots in the singular and plural, 
and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual. 
The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root. 
The third person plural does not have the sign of the third 
person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign 
of the plural, ya. 

The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the 
indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for 
each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change, 
and that the root is -yaute, modified in the first person by the 
sign for that person, hte. In the definite tenses where this 
is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise 
is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third 
person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third 
person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual 
is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost 
all circumstances with this root. 

To this subdivision of the conjugation belong verbs without 
a prefix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-. 
With these prefixes no contractions take place. 

ye i yon, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8. 

yeinyame, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9. 

ye in tun ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2. 

ye we ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going into it. 314-3. 

ye win ya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8. 

ye win ya ye xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in. 

118-5. 

ye win deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in. 255-3. 
ye nai diL, imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13. 
yenawillos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2. 
ye na wo deL te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will travel'in. 361-12. 
ye nun dame, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7. 
ye tee il lute, cust. 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2. 
ye tcin name, pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6. 
ye tcu wim meL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5. 
ye tcu win ya, pres. def. 3 sing., they came in. 231-8. 
ye tcu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 97-3, 231-5. 


J Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


103 


ye tcu win ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went in. 
246-5. 

ye tcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10. 
yetcuwindeL, past def. 3 dual, they w T ent in. 278-4. 
ye tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing, he put in. 96-13. 
yi de tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9. 
yuwinyan, past def. 3a sing., she ate it. 319-5. 
yu win yun hwmn te, fut. def. 3a sing., one must eat. 233-2 
yuwinyunte, fut. def. 3a sing., how are they going to 
eat them? 100-14. 

win yen nei, past def. 3a sing, he was able to stand. 220-11 
win xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1. 
winxate, fut. def. 3a sing., water w 7 ill stay. 112-9. 
win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4. 
wintcwu, past def. 2 sing., you have cried. 337-14. 

Le ye tcu win yeuia, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in. 
143-10. 

Lin win ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9. 
Luwinien, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. 
da tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 210-6. 
da tcu win en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it. 119-15. 
da tcu w r in xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1. 
da un xus, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2. 
daeiuwtuw, cust. 1 sing., I put. 247-7. 
daeiuiakel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14. 
do tcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any. 
257-9. 

dd tcu win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he does not catch. 
256-6. 

tewmutte, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw. 
111-17. 

tewineL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14. 
te tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6. 
te tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14 
tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1. 
tcewinyeutt?, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed) 
them. 301-5. 

tcu win aL, past def. 3 sing., he chew’ed. 121-12,330-4. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


tcuwinyanne, past def. 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11. 
tcu win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11,203-5. 
tcu win yun sil len te, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems. 
233-3. 

tcu win yun teL de, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat. 267-17. 
tcu win has, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off. 
347-12. 

tcu win da, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3, 165-13. 
tcu win tsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8. 
tcuwintcwen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6. 
tcuwintcwu, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8. 


Conjugation 1b. 
Y a mas, he is rolling over. 


Singular. 

1. yauw’ mas 

2. yum mas 

3. ya. mas 
3a. ya mas 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
ya dim mas 
ya mas 
ya ya mas 
ya ya mas 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin yai uv mas 

2. yum mas 

3. ya mas 

3a. ya mas 

Singular. 

2. yum mas 

3. yatcomas 
3a. yaomas 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

do xo lin ya dim mas 
ya mas 
ya ya mas 
ya ya mas 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
ya mas 
ya ya tco mas 
ya ya 6 mas 


Singular. 

1. ya imp mas 

2. ya im mas 

3. ya im mas 
3a. ya im mas 


Customary. 

Plural. 

ya it dim mas 
ya 6 mas 
ya ya im mas 
ya ya im mas 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 105 
Present Definite. 

Plural. 

ya wit dim mas 
ya wo mas 
ya ya wim mas 
ya ya wim mas 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ya wit dim mas 
ya wo mas 
ya ya wim mas 
ya ya wim mas 

Indefinite Tenses. 

First Person Singular. —The regular sign contracts with the 
prefix ya-, resulting in yau w. In this case the glide u unites 
with a to form the diphthong au, which is frequent in Hupa. 

Second Person Singular. —The ending of the first syllable, m, 
is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable. 
The change of vowel from a to u presents some difficulty. 
The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and u, e 
and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in 
the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable 
ya has been forced to take on n or m to show the person, 
it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One 
would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause, 
but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout 
the singular. 

Second Person Plural. —Here again contraction has taken 
place. The 6 has united with the prefix, producing a syllable, 
ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality 
as compared with that in the third person singular. 

Third Person Singular. —No sign for this person occurs, as is 
usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic¬ 
able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in quality, at the 
apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short 


Singular. 

1. yaimas 

2. ya wim mas 

3. ya wim mas 
3 a. ya wim mas 

Singular. 

1. yaimas 

2. ya wim mas 

3. ya wim mas 
3a. ya wim mas 


Am. Aech. Eth. 3, 8. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


a of English, while the vowel of the second person plural inclines 
slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop. 

The second form applicable to children and others has a 
longer vowel of somewhat flatter quality. 

Definite Tenses. 

The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular 
where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak¬ 
ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e, which 
is the sign of the first person singular in the definite tenses. 

As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con¬ 
ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-classes in 
the conjugation. 

Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their 
roots beginning with m, or 1, or with the following weak 
syllables standing before the inflected syllable; ne or nu, de or 
du, and ke or kyu. Many or all of the verbs with the weak sylla¬ 
bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision d. 

a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 
115-7. 

ya im mil, cust. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2. 
ya yai wim meL tsu, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick 
up their legs. 342-14. 

ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15. 
ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4. 
ya x5 win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. 
ya kyu win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11. 
meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
me lute, pres. 3 sing., it watching. 204-6. 
me luw te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9. 
me nai la w te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13. 
me du win tewen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for. 
99-1. 

me duw? tewin, pres. 1 sing., I want. 254-12. 
nai me, pres. def. 1 sing., I swim in. 311-11. 
nai kyu win xa, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11. 
nauw me, pres. 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15. 
nawimme, past def. 3 sing., he swam. 209-13. 


3 1 Goddard.—Morphology of the llupa Language. 


107 


nanaime, past def. 1 sing., I bathed. 311-8. 
nanaimmeei, cust. 3 sing., she always bathed. 311-8. 
nanayawillai, past def. 3 plu., they turned down their 
heads. 139-1. 

na na du win a, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14. 
nana du win eL, past def, 3a plu., they stuck up. 106-14. 
na nu win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17 
na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 
121-9. 

nadetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1. 
na du will a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6. 
na du win a te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2. 
na du win eL, past def. 3 plu., they stuck up. 106-3. 
na du wintcwit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18. 106-17. 
na kyu win a tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 
186-12. 

na kyu win yun te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3. 
na kyu win xa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-11. 
nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you 
sleep). 294-5. 

nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 
252-11. 

noi du win tax xd lun, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a 
track. 292-5. 

no na du win tan, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away. 
223-11. 

no du win taL xo lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a 
track he saw. 185-12. 

htpikkyowun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it 
put me to sleep). 121-6. 

xanuwinte, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3. 
xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. 
xol da na du win a ei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck 
up. 203-5. 

xon a na du wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them¬ 
selves. 215-11. 

xo kyu win nan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. 
da ya du win an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


da na yai du win an, past def. 3 a pin., they brought it 
back. 365-15. 

da na xo du win an, past def. 3 pin., they ran back. 181-6. 
da na na du win a ei. past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 203-10. 
danodu wintai., past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3. 
da tcit du win Lat. past def. 3 sing., he started to run. 
176-11. 

da kyu win xa ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3. 
dewimminte. flit. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full). 
253-11. 

de na de iutr mil, oust. 1 sing.. I put in the fire. 247-9. 
de na du wil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 
255-15. 

de na du win un te. fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 
258-2. 

dedeimmil, oust. 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire. 
165-6. 

deduwil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11. 
de du wil la te. fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 
255-15. 

deduwimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire. 
165-10. 

de du win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in incense. 266-16. 
deduwintan. past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4. 
dediurtuu. pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire. 
150-4. 

do me du»r tcwin, pres. 1 sing.. I do not want. 97-8. 
do kyu we luran, past def. 1 sing.. I don't eat. 355-15. 
duwinxuts. past def. 3a sing., it came oft’. 157-7. 
du win teat, past def. 3a sing., it got sick. 241-9. 
du win tea te. fut. def. 3a sing., it will get sick. 242-15. 
duwinkunte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge. 
343-13. 

te no du win taL. past def. 3 sing., in the water he stepped. 
120-3. 

to on nu win tewit ne en. pres. def. 3 sing., water she was 
to bring. 111-3. 

to on tewit. pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


109 


tcit du wim mite, past def. 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2. 
tcit du wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it 
off. 287-4. 

tcit du win tea te, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going to be 
sick. 286-7. 

tcit du win tewit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16. 
kinyun, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6. 
kitduwiiikil, past def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4. 
kyo ya win htoal, past def. 3 plu., they fished. 328-3. 
kyoyun, imp. 2 plu., eat. 192-2. 
kyo hteal le, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15. 
kyu win yan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18. 
kyu win nan xo lan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 
347-1. 

kyu win xa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8. 
kyuwindil, past def. 3a sing., there was a ringing noise. 


96-2. 


kyu win diL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3. 
kyu win dits te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8. 
kyu win ket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3. 
kyuta tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 


Conjugation lc. 


Na Lit, he is burning it. 


2. nun Lit 

3. naLit 
3a. nai Lit 


Singular. 
1. name Lit 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
na diL Lit 
na Lit 
na ya iL Lit 
na yai Lit 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin name .Lit 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin na diL Lit 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


2. nun Lit 

3. na Lit 


nai Lit 


naLit 
na ya iL Lit 
na yai Lit 


110 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch - Eth ' 


Singular. 

2. nun Lit 

3. natcoiit 
3a. nai 6 Lit 

Singular. 

1. naiuwLit 

2. nainnit 

3. naiLLit 
3a. naiiLLit 


Singular. 

1. nai Lit 

2. nan Lit 

3. na win Lit 
3a. nai win Lit 


Singular. 

1. nai Lit 

2. nan Lit 

3. na win Lit 
3a. nai win Lit 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
na Lit 

na ya teo Lit 
na yai o Lit 

Customary. 

Plural, 
na it diL Lit 
na o Lit 
na ya iL Lit 
na yai iL Lit 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 

na wit diL Lit 
na wo Lit 
na ya win Lit 
na yai win Lit 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

na wit diL Lit 
na wo Lit 
na ya win Lit 
na yai win Lit 


Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in 
the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second 
person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis¬ 
appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as 
the final sound of the first syllable. The following prefixes char¬ 
acterize verbs of this class: ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-. 

a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 

338-9. 

ya a a, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8. 

ya a wu w, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6. 
yawina, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11. 
yawinan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1. 
yawina hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6. 
ya win en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 210-4. 


3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


Ill 


ya win eL, pres, def. 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8. 
yawinxan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6. 
ya win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took. 108-18. 

i 

ya win tun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he picked it up. 
202 - 6 . 

yawinkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15. 
yan a, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3. 
ya na win ai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6. 
yanawinaye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5. 
yanawinen, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1. 
ya na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11. 
me it tan, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-3. 
me win tan ne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7. 
missaixunte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth. 
243-16. 

mis sa win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will 
put. 243-10. 

mis sun xamr ne, imp. 2 sing., its mouth put it in. 246-14. 
na will yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3. 
na win Lit, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12. 
na win kuts, past def. 3 sing., he became cold. 330-4. 
nanaiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2. 
na na win an, past def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-10. 
na na will un xo lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 
176-17. 

nanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he took down. 97-16. 
na din, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3. 
xai un te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out. 135-5. 
xauw aiwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7. 
xa win an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 100-10, 135-8. 
xe e win qotc ei tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope 
away. 175-8. 

xotdawinyai, past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3. 
sawinxan, past def. 3 sing., he put it into her mouth. 
278-10. 

da ya win ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6. 
da ya win a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting. 
337-2. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


da ya na win ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2. 
da na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it down. 97-13. 
doxaamr, pres. 3 sing., one doesn’t dig. 135-3. 
do xo lin nun yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9. 
dosaixauw, pres. 3a sing., one can’t swallow. 141-2. 
ke win xuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17. 
kis sa win ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some¬ 
body’s mouth. 257-5. 

Conjugation Id. 

Kit tus, he cuts open. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . kyuwtus 

kit dit tus 

2. kinius 

kyo tus 

3. kitius 

ya kit tus 

3a. ylkit ius 

yai kit tus 


Impotential. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . do xo lin kyuw? tus 

doxolin kitdittfus 

2. kin tus 

kyo tus 

3. kit tus 

ya kit tus 

3a. yl kit tus 

yai kit tus 


Imperative. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

2. kintfus 

kyo tus 

3. kyo tus 

ya kyo tus 

3a. ylkyofus 

yai kyo tus 


Customary. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. keimotfus 

ke it dit £us 

2. keinfus 

ke 5 tus 

3. keittfus 

ya ke it £us 

3a. ylkeittfus 

yai ke it £us 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


113 


Singular. 

1. ke fats 

2. kyu win fats 

3. kin fats 

3 a. yl kin fats 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 


kyu wit dit fats 


kyu wo fats 
ya kin fats 
yai ldn fats 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1. kefats 

2. kyu win fats 

3. kin fats 
3a. yl kin fats 


kyu wo fats 
ya kin fats 
yai kin fats 


kyu wit dit fats 


Plural. 


Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have 
in the present the signs of person and number of sub-class a, 
jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses 
contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the 
third person singular and plural. The second person singular 
does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel u from the 
following w. 

This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before 
the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial 
letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There 
seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given 
under b above, except that those in this class always have some 
prefix preceding the weak syllable, while those in b may have 
such prefixes or may lack them. 

yayakinen, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4. 
yanakeuwuw;, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7. 
ya na kil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7. 
ya na kin en, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3. 
ya ke wuw htcei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away. 


162-4. 


yakin wuw, imp. 2 sing., carry it. 105-18. 
yakinwenne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off. 


163-4. 


yekinen, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3. 
ye kin nen den, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


min nd kin kil, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5. 
naikeits, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 
hwis sa kin its, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 
xa kin its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7. 
xo sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 
dakinyunte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew off (bowstrings). 
151-9. 

tekeitste, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9. 
te kin its, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10. 
kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2. 


Conjugation 1e. 
Tco xai, he is buying. 


Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

ouip xai 

o de xai 

2. 

on xai 

o xai 

3. 

tco xai 

tco ya xai 

3a. 

yd xai 

yd ya xai 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin 6ui£ xait 

2. on xait 

3. tco xait 

3a. yd xait 


Singular. 

2. on xai 

3. tco o xai 
3a. yd 6 xai 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

ddxolin ode xait 
o xait 
ted ya xait 
yd ya xait 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

oxai 

tco ya o xai 
yd ya o xai 


Singular. 

1. o imp xait 

2. oin xait 

3. tco e xait 
3a. yd e xait 


Customary. 

Plural, 
o it de xait 
o o xait 
tco ya $ait 
yd ya xait 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Eupa Language. 


115 


2. on xai 

3. teonxai 
3a. yon xai 


Singular. 
1. oixai 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

6 wit de xai 
o w5 xai 
tco yan xai 
yo yan xai 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. oixait 

2. on xait 


o wit de xait 
o wo xait 


3. tconxait 
3a. yon xait 


tco yan xait 
yo yan xait 


A few verbs with a prefix 5- show peculiarities. In the third 
person of all the tense-modes tc before the prefix 6, with which 
they form a syllable, occur not only where they might be expected 
in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular 
one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In 
the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular 
and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears 
only in the first and second persons of the plural, 
ya xon its, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 166-8. 
yo e its, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11. 
yon tan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8. 
yo xai (nanakisdeL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came 
back. 200-7. 

yd xai xo win sen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy. 
200-3. 

do oi lun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5. 
ddydlunte, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1. 
do tco wil lan, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13 
do tco wil lun, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2. 
do tco xd wil lan, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9. 
do tco xo na wil lan, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8. 
tco yan its, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12. 
tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9. 
tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 


116 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth - 


Conjugation 2. 

Nd ut, he is throwing down a blanket. 



Present Indefinite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. now?ut 

no de ut 

2. nonut 

no ut 

3. nout 

no ya ut 

3a. noiut 

no yai ut 


Impotential. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. do xo lin now? ut 

doxolin nodeut 

2. non ut 

n5 ut 

3. no ut 

n5 ya ut 

3a. noi ut 

n5 yai ut 


Imperative. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

2. nonut 

n5 ut 

3. notcout 

n5 ya tco ut 

3a. noyout 

no yai yo ut 


Customary. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. noiuw?ut 

no it de ut 

2. noinut 

no out 

3. noeut 

no ya e ut 

3a. noieut 

no yai e ut 


Present Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. nonaut 

non da ut 

2. noninut 

no no ut 

3. noninut 

no ya nin ut 

3a. noininut 

no yai nin ut 


Past Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. nonaut 

non da ut 

2. noninut 

no no ut 

3. nbninut 

no ya nin ut 

3a. noininut 

no yai nin ut 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hapa Language. 


117 


Intransitive with root changing for the plural. 


Tcenauw?, he goes out. 


Singular. 

Present Indefinite. 
Dual. 

Plural. 

1. tee htcauw 

tee neL 

tee ya neL 

2. teen yau w 

tee no dii. 


3. tee nauw 

tee in diL 

tee ya in diL 

3a. tee nauir 

tcin din 

tee yun diL 

Singular. 

Impotential. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. do xo lin tee hw&uw 

do xo lin tee ne dil 

tee ya ne dil 

2. teen yau w 

tee no dil 


3. tee nauto 

tee in dil 

tee ya in dil 

3a. tee name 

tcin dil 

tee yun dil 

Singular. 

Imperative. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. tee htea 

tee neL 

tee ya neL 

2. teen yaute 

tee no diL (tc* diL) 


3. tee tco ya 

tee tcon diL 

tee ya tcon diL 

3a. tee 5 ya 

tee on diL 

tee ya on diL 

Singular. 

Customary. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. tee ime hieauie 

tee e dil 

tee ya e dil 

2. tee in yauie 

tee 6 dil 


3. tee in name 

tee in dil 

tee ya in dil 

3a. tee in naute 

tee in dil 

tee ya in dil 

Singular. 

Present Definite. 
Dual. 

Plural. 

1. tee ne ya 

tee ne deL 

tee ya ne deL 

2. tee nin ya 

tee no deL 


3. tee nin ya 

tee nin deL 

tee ya nin deL 

3a. tcin ya 

tcin deL 

tee yun deL 

Singular. 

Past Definite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. tee ne yai 

tee ne deL 

tee ya. ne deL 

2. tee nin yai 

tee no deL 


3. tee nin yai 

tee nin deL 

tee ya nin deL 

3a. tcin yai 

tcin deL 

tee yun deL 


118 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


The verbs of this conjugation have the same sign for person 
and number which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The only- 
difference in form between the two conjugations is the initial n 
instead of w in the definite tenses. 

a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself. 
302-10. 

yaninyai, past def. 3 sing., he went (between two). 138-15 
, yanindeL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9. 

ya nin deL hit., pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16. 
wai e xus sei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-1. 
wa im mil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8. 
wa kin nil lit x5 lan, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had) 
burned through. 119-3. 

wa kin nin sen x5 lan, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated 
through he saw. 329-16. 

wun no kin nil lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on. 
246-10. 

Leilloi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. 
ie nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire 
burning. 169-6. 

Le na il luw, cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1. 
Lena luw, pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14. 
Lena nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10. 

Le na nil la xo lan, pres. def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he 
saw. 186-3. 

Lena nil late, fut. def. 2 sing., you will build a fire. 356-4. 
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2. 
Le na nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round. 
102 - 1 . 

meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11. 
menemen, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11. 
menillayei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13. 
me no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13. 
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4. 
mlnillayei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore. 
362-4. 

na ya nil luw ne en, pres. def. 3 plu., which had been lost. 
144-7. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


119 


na ya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-8. 
na na ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (across). 
172-2. 

na na nih an, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9. 
na nih yai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. 
naninyayei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6. 
nanodiL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across?). 266-15. 
neiya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15. 
neiyai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13. 
nei ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7. 
nim meL din, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7. 
ninyama, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3. 
nih ya ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12. 
ninyade, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10. 
ninyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15. 
nih xuts, past def. 3a sing., it flew. 113-17. 
n5 a din nih xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 
223-9. 

no a din xautt?, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. 
noillmr, cust. 3 sing., she put. 157-11. 
noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17 
n6 it to, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7. 
nouwuic, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5. 
noyanin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5. 
no na imc xama, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3. 
no na il lmr, cust. 3 sing., she left off. 332-10. 
n5 nai nih an, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10. 
nonauiaauir, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1. 
non aura ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7. 
no nama nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry. 
208-11. 

nonayakinninan, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9. 
no na ne un, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. 
no na nih an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8. 
no na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. 
no na nin deL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down 
he saw. 271-12. 

nonanintse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


no na kin aim* ne, imp. 2 sing-., you must leave. 353-10. 
no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 3 sing:., one should leave. 
215-8. 

no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will leave. 351- 
13, 357-2. 

nonakin(nin)tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge 
again. 109-1. 

no ne xun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2. 
n6 nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put. 98-2. 
no nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13. 
no nil lit hit, pres. def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat¬ 
ing. 210-8. 

no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3. 
ndninunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7. 
no nin has, past def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3. 
no nin ut, past def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3. 
nd nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7. 
no nin xan nei, past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7. 
no nin xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12. 
no nin xuts, past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9. 
no nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16. 
non xau w ne, imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14. 
noxoninun, pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with them. 
179-5. 

no xu w, pres. 3a sing., floats ashore. 346-5. 
not5 Q x, pres. 3a sing., water staid. 324-3. 
no ke iu w qot, cust. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4. 
nokinninyan, past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12. 
no kin nin yow, past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3. 
no kin nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge 108-11. 
nu wana ne late, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. 
nu wa nel la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353 7 
nuir &\iw, pres. 1 sing., I am going to leave. 157-8. 
xowaya (n)in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14 
xol no il lit, cust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4. 
xol no nil lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7. 
xol no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 
209-13. 


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121 


da no nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they sat. 179-2. 

dit tse nd nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe. 

216- 4. 

dit tse no nil la xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4 
dd Le na ne la, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire. 
355-14. 

dd no au?r, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6. 
do he tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out. 
162-13. 

do tee auto, pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12. 
do tee in name, oust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3. 
dotcenihyai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3. 
do tee nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out. 
102 - 11 . 

tee e auto, oust. 3 sing., he took out. 333-2. 

tee il luto, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-11. 

tee min nin yot dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a deer. 

217- 16. 

tee nauto, pres. 3 a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7. 
tee na il lin xo lan, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out. 
117-18. 

tee na ya xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. 
tcenamiL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13. 
tee na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2. 
tcenanimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown 
out. 301-14. 

tee na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3. 
tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9. 
tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13. 
tceneyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8. 
tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14. 
tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5. 
tcenillete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9. 
tcenimmas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5. 
tee nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15. 
tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16. 
tee nin ya ne, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1. 
tceninyateneen, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come 
out. 162-12. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 8. 


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tceninyos, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2. 
tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they came out 175-11. 
tcenintan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4. 
tceninkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1. 
tee kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-2. 
tee kin nin hire, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging. 
100-9. 

tee kin nin hire ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging. 
100 - 8 . 

teinnimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home 363-1. 
% tcin nin en, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15. 

tcin nin ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1. 
tcin nin ya win te, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9 
tcin nin ya ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7 
tcin nin win detc, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5. 
kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14. 
kin nin in hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the 
load. 238-1. 


Conjugation 3a. 

Tcil loi, he is tying. 


Singular. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

1. iuirloi 


it dil loi 

2. il loi 


6 loi 

3. tcil loi 


ya loi 

3a. yilloi 


yai loi 

Singular. 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

1. do xo lin 

ivitr loi 

do xo lin it dil loi 

2. 

il loi 

6 loi 

3. 

tcil loi 

yaloi 

3a. 

yil loi 

yai loi 

Singular. 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

2. il loi 


6 loi 

3. tcoloi 


ya tco loi 

3a. yoloi 


ya yo loi 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 


123 


Customary. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1. eiutoloi 

e it dil loi 

2. eilloi 

e 6 loi 

3. tceilloi 

ya il loi 

3a. ye il loi 

yai il loi 


Present Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. seloi 

sit dil loi 

2. silloi 

so loi 

3. tcisloi 

ya is loi 

3a. yisloi 

yai is loi 


Past Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. seloi 

sit dil loi 

2. silloi 

so loi 

3. tcisloi 

ya is loi 

3a. yisloi 

yai is loi 


With a prefix. 


Na Le, he is painting. 

Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
na diL Le 
na Le 
na ya Le 
na yai Le 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. do xo lin nauw lu do xo lin 

2. nun lu 

3. na lu 

3a. nai lu 


na diL lu 
na lu 
na ya lu 
na yai lu 


Singular. 

1. naui0 Le 

2. nun Le 

3. na Le 
3a. naiLe 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 


Singular. 

Imperative. 

Plural. 


2. nfmLe 

na Le 


3. natcdLe 

na ya tco Le 


3a. na yo Le 

na ya yd Le 


Singular. 

Customary. 

Plural. 


1. naiuiaLu 

na it diL lu 


2. nainLii 

na 6 lu 


3. naiLLu 

na ya iL lu 


3a. naiiLLu 

na yai iL lu 


Singular. 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 


1. naseLe 

nas diL Le 


2. nasinLe 

na so Le 


3. naisLe 

na ya is Le 


3a. naisLe 

na yais Le 


Singular. 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 


1. na se lu 

nas diL lu 


2. na sin lu 

na so lu 


3. na is lu 

na ya is lu 


3a. nais lu 

na yais lu 


Intransitive with the root changing for the plural. 

Nawa, he is about. 


Singular. 

Present Indefinite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. name htea 

naidiL (naiL) 

na yai diL 

2. nun ya 

na diL 


3. na wa 

na dii. 

na ya diL 

3a. na wa 

na dii. 

na ya diL 

Singular. 

Impotential. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. do xo lin name hieai 

do xo lin nai dii 

na yai dii 

2. nun yai 

na dii 


3. na wai 

na dii 

na ya dii 

3a. na wai 

na dii 

na ya dii 


Y°l. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of the Eupa Language. 125 


Singular. 

Imperative. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

2. nun ya 

na din 


3. na ted ya 

na tco diL 

na ya tco din 

3a. na 6 ya 

na o diL 

na ya o diL 

Singular. 

Customary. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. na mw hica 

na e dil 

na ya e dil 

2. na in ya 

na o dil 


3. na l ya 

na it dil 

na ya it dil 

3a. na I ya 

na it dil 

na ya it dil 

Singular. 

Present Definite. 
Dual. 

Plural. 

1. naseya 

na se deL 

na ya se deL 

2. na sin ya 

na so deL 


3. na is ya 

na is deL 

na ya is deL 

3a. nas ya 

nas deL 

na yas deL 

Singular. 

Past Definite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

1. naseya 

na se deL 

na ya se deL 

2. na sin ya 

na so deL 


3. na is ya 

na is deL 

na ya is deL 

3a. nas ya 

nas deL 

na yas deL 


This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in 
having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first, 
and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding 
the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation 
mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says 
nothing of its beginning or its end. 

Except that in the second person singular of this particular 
example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated 
to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactly 
the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be 
noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have 
the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but 
which does not seem to be a personal sign. 


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University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth 


In the second example given above, naLe, “he is painting,” 
the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions 
and changes in the present are the same in all respects as those 
in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite 
tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa 
in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second, 
s, the conjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i; third, the root. 
According to what the Hupa style “the old-fashioned way of 
talking,” one would say natcisLu. On the analogy of this, 
nayisLU would be the second form. Its contraction should 
give nais lu, which occurs in this case. The dropping of tc 
in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second 
conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes. 
The other dialects of this group, it may be remarked, have only 
one form for the third person singular, and that is the prefix 
with s as its final sound. 

aL ya tes an, past def. 3 plu., with them they took. 361-1. 
a nu we sin te te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5. 
anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. 
a nu wes te, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2. 
in na xos an, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11. 
in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. 
innatcisLat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. 
islunte, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4. 
yaislen, past def. 3 plu., they both became. 187-13. 
yaislenei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 110-1. 
yaisloi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7. 
yawesa, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2. 
yanawesa, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17. 
yanestetc, past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7. 
yaxosmeL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3. 
ya xos qot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. 
yaxoqot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. 
yatesyai, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4. 
yawesa, past def. 3a sing., it was in. 153-10. 
yekyuwestce, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4. 
ye kyu wes tee te, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow. 

301-8. 


3 1 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


127 


yis dik, past def. 3 a sing., he pecked. 113-13. 
yit da wes le te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will get enough. 267-4. 
yo xai na na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., to buy they came 
back. 200-7. 

yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3 sing., she turned 
over. 117-4. 

yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., they ate it. 347-15. 
wun na i ya, cust. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2. 
wun na isya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14. 
wun na is ya xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10. 
wun na is deL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17. 
wun nai diL xo sin xo lan, pres. 3 plu., hunting they had 
been he saw. 140-11. 

wunnadinte, fut. 3 plu., they will hunt. 311-14. 

Leilloi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. 

Le na is loi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5. 
me e na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching. 
293-1. 

meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. 
menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8. 
me na ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they started back. 208-16 
me na kis loi, past def. 3 sing., he bound it up. 145-11. 
me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5. 
me sit ditc tetc, pres. def. 1 dual, in we would be tying. 
190-4. 

medzesla, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6. 
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4. 
min notes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his 
arm. 113-1. 

na iutc loi hit, cust. 1 sing., I tie them up. 247-11. 
na iu w lu, cust. 1 sing., I paint. 247-12. 
naisya, pres. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9. 
naisyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he goes. 307-13. 
na is dau we a xo lun, past def. 3 sing., it had melted 
away. 236-1. 

na is deL, past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14. 
naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 


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na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned, 
naiste, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. 
naistsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4. 
na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 
142-17. 

nayatesin fl x, pres. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17. 
nalu, pres. 3 sing., which live. 100-7. 
na na is ya e xo lan, pres. def. 3 sing., she could walk. 
276-11. 

nanaisyayei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6. 
na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6. 
nanasinyate, fut. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8. 
na nas deL te, fut. def. 3 a plu., they will become. 228-2. 
nanakiswel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7. 
nanakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5. 
na na kis le hit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6. 
nanesindai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1. 
nanesdai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2. 
na nes da xo lun, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10. 
nanuwesa, past def. 3 sing., ridge ran across. 363-14. 
naxotesan, past def. 3 dual, they ran around. 341-4. 
nasinyate., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2. 
nasyayei, past def. 3a sing., it commenced to walk. 136-9. 
nas deL, past def. 3a dual, they began to walk. 180-16. 
nas deL te, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4. 
nates deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17. 
natse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4. 
na kis yow hwei, past def. 3a sing., it flowed in a circle. 
100 - 11 . 

nakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15. 
na kis Lon, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5. 
na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2. 
na kis qot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12. 
nakisqotte, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to poke. 192-9. 
neenesedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 
328-6. 

neittetc, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12. 

niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. 


3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


129 


nin is deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 104-14. 
nintsisdeL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12. 
kis da te, fut. def. 3a sing., it would melt away. 259-9. 
hauL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 
187-7. 

xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1. 
xaisyai, past def. 3 sing., he came up. 105-1. 
xaisyadin, pres. def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2. 
xaislai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16. 
xaisxunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought 
them up. 99-9. 

xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. 
xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. 
xanaislos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2. 
xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. 
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. 
xol ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15 
xol xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. 
xol xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her. 
341-2. 

xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. 
xol tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. 
xol tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. 
xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned 
around. 278-12. 

xot da na we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow 
down. 227-6. 

xot da na kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow 
down. 227-5. 

xot de is yai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14. 
xot de ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they met them. 110-8. 
danesedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8. 
da tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14. 
da kit du wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4. 
do he nas deL °x, past def. 3a plu., they could not walk 
about. 322-7. 

do he kiL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., he did not have 
intercourse. 104-7. 


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do tcit tes ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not feel like going 
on. 281-3. 

tayaishtcal, past def. 3 plu., they caught. 328-4. 
ta na is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water. 
325-4. 

ta nai kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea 
with you. 228-5. 

tadesla, pres. def. 3a sing., it has come. 199-3. 
ta deslat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2. 
ta des deL xo lun, pres. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore. 
101 - 2 . 

tatciswen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10. 
teseyai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6. 
teseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9. 
teselate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them. 
253-15. 

tesetewitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure. 
116-12. 

tesla, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. 
tes lat dei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15. 
tes deL ei, past def. 3a plu., they flew away. 159-12. 
tes deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will come. 252-3. 

tsl yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11. 

tsisloi, past def. 3 sing., he made bundles. 142-3. 
tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11. 
tcin nes da te., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14. 
tcislan, past def. 3 sing., he was born. 96-2. 
tcislen, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17. 
tcisloi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4. 
tcit tes en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4. 
tcit tes en ne en, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8. 

tcit tes in, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn’t look up. 237-9. 

tcit tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10. 
tcit tes ya ye xo lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had traveled 
he saw. 186-1. 

tcit tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. 
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10. 
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 131 

tcittesxan, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 342-2. 
tcittesdeL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15. 
tcit tes deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9 
tcit tes tun de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13. 
tcit tin diL, pres. 3 plu., they are coming. 198-2. 
keisyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17. 
ke is ya yei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12. 
ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. 
kesinqotcei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree. 
175-1. 

kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 
kiL ne se tin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse 
with a woman. 104-7. 

kinnaislal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6. 
kinnauwlaL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8. 
kin ne so yun te, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men. 
238-13. 

kislete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10. 
kyu wa is tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6. 


Conjugation 3b. 


Tcit tit tuL, he is stepping along. 


3. tcit tit tuL 
3a. yittittuL 


1. tuwtuL 

2. tin tuL 


Singular. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
tit dit tur. 
to tUL 
ya tit tuL 
yai tit tuL 


Singular. 

1. doxolin tuwtul 


Impotential. 

Plural. 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


tin tul 
tcit tit tul 
yit tit tul 


do xo lin tit dit tul 
to tul 


ya tit tul 
yai tit tul 


132 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

2. tintuL 

to tUL 

3. tcittotuL 

ya to tuL 

3a. yittotuL 

yai to tuL 

Singular. 

Customary. 

Plural. 

1. teiuirtul 

te it dit tul 

2. te in tul 

te 6 tul 

3. tcit te it tul 

ya te it tul 

3a. yitteittul 

yai te it tul 

Singular. 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 

1. tesetaL 

tes dit taL 

2. tesintaL 

te so taL 

3. tcittetaL 

ya te taL 

3a. yittetaL 

yai te taL 

Singular. 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

1. tesetaL 

tes dit taL 

2. tesintaL 

te so taL 

3. tcittetaL 

ya te taL 

3a. yittetaL 

yai te taL 


This form b differs from a, given above, only in the loss of s 
in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot¬ 
ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcittesyai and 
tcit tes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following 
verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered 
as taking place at several separate definite places in succession, 
yateittcwu, cust. 3 plu., they cried along. 179-12. 
yatemitc, past def. 3 plu., they pulled off. 179-10. 
yatexan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16. 
ye xo yun xo lun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-17. 
yexotaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9. 
ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9. 


3 1 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


133 


me sit te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went along up. 198-13. 
nadittemeL, past def. 3a plu., they fell. 245-11. 
na te los, past def. 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1. 
na te tse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9 
na kit te it Lota, cust. 3 sing., she always made baskets. 
157-3. 

nakitteLon, past def. 3 sing., she wove another round. 
305-7. 

noyatemeL, past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along. 
179-11. 

xatemas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out of the ground. 
270-5. 

xo wa ya te lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. 
da no te deL te, fut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9. 
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure it. 
116-12. 

tcete deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5. 
tcetexan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5. 
tcin te en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19. 
tcintellai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15. 
tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5. 
tcit te it tcwu, cust. 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8. 
tcitteyos, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13. 
tcit te teen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12. 
tcit tete wen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12. 
tcit tete lai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3. 
tcit te te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the meas¬ 
ure. 226-4. 

tcit te te meL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered them 101-3. 
tcit te tot, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15. 
tcit te tcit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16. 
tcittetcwai, past def. 3 sing., she buried in several places. 
192-12. 

tcit te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13. 
ted ya te xait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8. 
ke it Lo, cust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1. 
kit tea kutc., past def. 3 sing., they began to play. 142-16. 
kit te e au, cust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5. 


134 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


kit te it Low, cust. 3 sing., one who always made baskets. 


324-5. 


kitteyannei, past def. 3 sing., they fed about. 98-4. 
kitteyow, past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11. 
kittehwe, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8. 
kittehwil, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4. 
kit te sin kute teL, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny. 
142-12. 

kit te fats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1. 
kittetelai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14. 
kit ti yauic, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3. 

Conjugation 4. 

Tcit tcit, he is dying. 

Present. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. iuw tcit it dit tcit 

2. in tcit 6 tcit 

3. tcit tcit ya tcit 

3a. tcit (yittcit) yaitcit 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin iuw tcit 


Plural. 

do xo lin it dit tcit 


3. 

3a. 


2 


in tcit 
tcit tcit 
yit tcit 


otcit 
ya tcit 
yai tcit 


Imperative. 


Singular. 


Plural, 
otcit 
ya tco tcit 
ya 6 tcit 


2. in tcit 

3. tco tcit 
3a. otcit 


Customary. 


Singular. 

1. e iuw tcit 

2. e in tcit 

3. tee it tcit 
3a. ye it tcit 


Plural. 

e it dit tcit 
e 6 tcit 
ya it tcit 
yai it tcit 


V°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hu pa Language. 


135 


Past. 

The past is identical in form with the present given above. 


Na a, he has it. 

Singular. 

1. name a 

2. nun a 

3. naa 
3a. naia 


With a prefix. 

A 

Present. 

Plural, 
na da a 
naa 
na yaa 
na yai a 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1. doxolin nauw/'ai 

2. nun ai 

3. na ai 

3a. nai ai 


Plural. 

do xo lin na da ai 
na ai 
na ya ai 
na yai ai 


Imperative. 



Singular. 

Plural. 

2. 

nun a 

na a 

3. 

na tco a 

na ya tco a 

3a. 

nayoa 

na ya yo a 



Customary. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

na iu w a 

na it da a 

2. 

na in a 

naoa 

3. 

naa a 

na ya a a 

3a. 

nai a a 

na yai a a 



Past. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

nauw ai 

na da ai 

2. 

nun ai 

naai 

3. 

na ai 

na ya ai 

3a. 

nai ai 

na yai ai 


Verbs of this conjugation differ from those in the preceding 
conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have 
a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of 


136 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


the root. As will be seen from the preceding examples, the signs 
of person and number are the same as for the other conjugations, 
and the same contractions occur with the prefixes, 
aennu, cust. 3a sing., it does it. 275-5. 
ai ye tcis lin xo lan, pres. 3 sing., he was tired. 346-9. 
ai la te, fut. 3a sing., they will catch. 253-10. 
ainnu, past 3 sing., he did. 288-9. 
a in nu miL, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4. 
a in te, past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5. 
ai xoi il le, cust. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7. 
aityauxolun, past 3 sing., tired he was. 346-10. 
aityade, pres. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7. 
ai kit in xo sin, pres. 3a sing., (bears) did that. 223-4. 
ai kyute en, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-16. 
aute lata, past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3, 302-10. 
aujo la te, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with it? 293-8. 
amediya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11. 
ame di yau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17. 
amediyate, fut. 1 sing., (what) am I going to do. 257-14 
ametfinneen, pres. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7. 
a ya in nu, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2. 
a ya ten, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5. 
a ya tin ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1. 
ayatcillau, past 3 plu., they fixed. 172-4. 
a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15. 
alene, imp. 2 plu., you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. 
a nai di yau, past 1 plu., we do this. 361-9. 
a name la te, fut. 1 sing., I was intending to do. 260-3. 
a named! yau, past 1 sing., I did it. 282-5, 325-12. 
anayadillau, past 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. 
a na di yau, past 3a sing., it did that. 244-11. 
anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. 
anadille, imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1. 
a na dit ten, past 1 dual, we did. 217-7. 
a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8. 
anatcillate, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4. 
a nun di yau, past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6. 
ahteola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 137 

a xo la de, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

a xo dil la, pres. 1 pin., we could do with him. 116-16. 

a di va, pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6. 

a di yau wei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14. 

adlyate, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18. 

adlyateL, fut. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11. 

a ten, past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9. 

a /en, past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9. 

a /in wes /e, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10. 

a tin te, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9. 

atcillau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5. 

a kil lau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13, 322-1. 

akyhle, imp. 2 pin., you do. 198-2. 

e e a, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2. 

eillu cust. 3a sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1. 

imctcitte, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13. 

il le ne, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6. 

in hauL, imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6. 

ole, imp. 2 plu., become. 110-7. 

6 le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7. 

olene, imp. 2 plu., become. 109-18. 

ul le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13. 

ullene, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7. 

undlyau, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8,337-9. 

un di ya te, fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4. 

un te, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15. 

un te, pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18. 

yah a, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14. 

yah ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3. 

ya sil lai, past 3 plu., they were there. 180-3. 

mal yeutc ai il lu, cust. 3a sing., she took care of it. 136-7. 

mal yeu w a tcil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6. 

mesaun, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15. 

nan a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3. 

nanya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3. 

nan yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5. 

nan xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1. 

na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,10. 


University of California Publications. E Am - Arch. Eth. 

na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9. 
na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13. 
na dil le ne, imp. 2 plu., you may become. 166-12. 
na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12. 
na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5. 
nadillu, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2. 
nin eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2. 
xa. ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1. 
xaainnu, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9. 
xa a in nu, cust. 3a sing., that happened. 340-5. 
xaaityau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8. 
xa a it ya x5 lan, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was. 
346-7. 

xa auw di yate, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what. 202-8. 
xa a na it yau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9. 
xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9. 
xaaxolau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing. 1 278-12. 
xaaxolene, pres. 3a sing., he should do that. 1 163-2. 
xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14. 
xaadiyateL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16. 
xa a tin wes te, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always 
did. 325-1. 

xaattnwinie, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14. 
xa a tin te, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8. 
xa a tcil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1. 
xaatcityau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12. 
xaulle, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19. 
xa di ya te, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10. 
xolin, absolute form, (I wish) it was. 340-7. 
xdlun, absolute form, he found. 361-16. 
xo lun ten, absolute fut., he will be the one. 209-12. 
x5 tcin na sil lai, past. 3a plu., she was dressed in. 164-9. 
xo tcin sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4. 
xwaeille, cust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6. 
saun, pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13. 
sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-10. 

1 These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts. 
They are evidently impersonal, ‘ ‘ it happened ’ ’ and ‘ ‘ it should be done. ’ ’ 



( 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 139 

saanne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing. 1 164-15. 
sa xan ne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13. 
sil len, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2. 
sillinte, fut. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5. 
sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there. 
164-16. 

sitdai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1. 
sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8. 
sittetc°x, pres. 3a pin. (dual), they lay there. 322-6. 
sit tin, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2. 
sux xun, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7. 
da x5 a di ya x5 Ian, past 3a sing., he was dead they found 
out. 175-11. 

da x5 a ten, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4. 
da xo un a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., they will die. 217-16. 
da xo uh a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5. 
da xwed un ul lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3. 
da xwed dan a di yau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do. 
270-6. 

da xwed din na aiur tin, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing. 
163-4. 

da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10. 
da sit tun, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9. 
da sit ten, past 3a sing., it was lying. 114-16. 
do me sa uh, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9. 
do he tcit tcit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1. 
doxaamr^en, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4. 
doxaundlyau, past 2 sing., you don’t do that. 343-13. 
dSxolen, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6. 
do xo lin, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8. 
doxSlih itdau, impot. 3a sing., they won’t melt away. 
254-7. 

do xo lin nin xa ten tcil lu, impot. 3 sing., it won’t be rich 
man he will become. 338-7. 
doxolin sedan impot. 1 sing., I can’t stay. 360-11. 

1 The situation of this form in the sentence after un kya requires the 
present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be¬ 
cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight. 



140 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch. Eth. 


do xo lin da xo a £en, impot. 3 sing., they won’t die. 253-7. 

doxosle, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5. 

dmfdlya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10. 

tcille, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10. 

tcit dei, past 3 a sing., it died. 266-8. 

tcit tcit xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3. 

tcit tcit dei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4. 

Class II. 

Conjugation 1a. 

he is carrying in a large object. 

Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
ye it dil da 
ye ol da 
yeyaiLda 
ye yai iL da 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin ye it dil da 
ye ol da 
ye ya in da 
ye yai in da 


Imperative. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

2. yeiLda 

ye ol da 

3. yetcoLda 

ye ya tcoL da 

3a. yeyoLda 

ye yai yoL da 


Customary. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. yeeiuirda 

ye e it dil da 

2. yeeiLda 

ye e ol da 

3. ye tee iL da 

ye ya iL da 

3a. ye yeiLda 

ye yai iL da 


Singular. 

1. do xo lin ye iu w da 

2. ye iL da 

3. ye tciL da 

3a. ye yiL da 


Ye tciL da, 

Singular. 

1. ye iuw da 

2. yeiLda 

3. ye tciL da 
3a. ye yiL da 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


141 


Singular. 

1. yeweLda 

2. yewiLda 

3. yetcuwiLda 
3a. yeyuwiLda 


Singular. 

1. yeweLda 

2. yewiLda 

3. yetcuwiLda 
3a. yeyuwiLda 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

ye wit dil da 
ye wol da 
ye ya wiL da 
ye yai wiL da 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ye wit dil da 
ye wol da 
ye ya wiL da 
ye yai wiL da 


Class II differs from Class I, in form, in having the sound l 
as the final sound of the syllable immediately preceding the root. 
Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa¬ 
sioned by this invasion. 


Indefinite Tenses. 

It seems probable that l cannot stand after the sound w 
of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in 
Class I. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this 
class, l apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1. 

The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is 
probably due to l being added to the syllable. That -n norm¬ 
ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars, 
is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as 
-gum.-, g and u, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa 
w and i. The second person plural adds l without any other 
change. In the third person singular L unites with the weak 
vowel of the sign, forming tciL- and yiL-, respectively. In 
accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third 
person plural, l, not finding available support, has formed a 
new syllable, with the aid of i. 


Definite Tenses. 

The introduction of l furnishes but little difficulty. It 
appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else¬ 
where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the 
syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The 


142 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth - 


question arises, whether, if the l displaces the n in the second 
person singular, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the 
third person forced out the n which appears in Class I. The 
Tolowa, which always has -gunL- in the second person singular, 
has sometimes -guL- and sometimes -gunL- in the third person, 
ye yu win kit de te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there. 
301-9. 

yetceiukas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7. 
ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13. 
ye tcu wiL taL ei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5. 
ye tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17. 
ye tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8. 
ye tcu win tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take them 
in. 302-7. 

ye tcu wiL to, past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1. 
yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the 
ground. 215-3. 

yin ne tcu win tin, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they 
have put. 221-3. 

yooLtuw, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6. 
wol din tan, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it. 
180-9. 

do tcu wiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome. 220-4, 
306-10. 

te weL qotc te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4. 
te wiL auw htcil, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4. 
tcu win tel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6. 
tcu win ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9. 
tcu wiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1 
tcu wiL kyos il, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9. 


Conjugation 1b. 
Me kiL te, he is singing. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

1. mekyutcte 

2. mekiLte 

3. mekiLte 
3a. mikiLte 


Plural. 

me kit dil te 
me kyoL te 
me ya kiL te 
me yai kiL te 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hapa Language. 


143 


Impotential. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. do xo lin me kyuw tu do xo lin me kit dil tu 

2. me kiL tu me kyoL tu 

3. me kiL tu me ya kiL tu 

3a. mi kiL tu me yai kiL tu 


Singular. 

2. mekiLte 

3. mekyoLte 
3a. mikyoLte 

Singular. 

1. mekeiuwtu 

2. mekeiLtu 

3. mekeiLtu 
3a. mikeiLtu 


Singular. 

1. mekeLte 

2. mekyuwiLte 

3. mekyuwiLte 
3a. mi kyu wiL te 

Singular. 

1. mekeLtu 

2. mekyuwiLtu 

3. mekyuwiLtu 
3a. mi kyu wiL tu 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
me kyoL te 
me ya kyoL te 
me yai kyoL te 

Customary. 

Plural. 

me ke it dil tu 
me kyo ol tu 
me ya ke iL tu 
me yai ke iL tu 
Present Definite. 

Plural. 

me kyu wit dil te 
me kyu wol te 
me ya kyu wiL te 
me yai kyu wiL te 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

me kyu wit dil tu 
me kyu wol tu 
me ya kyu wiL tu 
me yai kyu wiL tu 


a na dit du wiL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one 
side. 108-15. 

ya na kyu win tsil liL te, fut. def. 3 plu., they may split. 
109-8. 

yakiLtsis, pres. 3 sing., he made it sprinkle. 338-2. 
ye na wiL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-2. 
wun du win tout, past def. 3 sing., he took. 96-12. 
me ya kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1. 


144 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


me na kyu wii. tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15. 
me du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the 
fire. 242-11. 

ine kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4. 
me kyu wiL tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6. 
naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. 
nai xon nu win h?ron, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 
121-13. 

na na kin nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3 
naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. 
na xo win tun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6. 
na xo wiL tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14 
na xol tun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6. 
na do wei. din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome 
for. 176-2. 

nin kyu wiL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10. 
xo win tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry. 
255-7. 

xo wii. tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow. 
259-16. 

xo win teweL te, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place. 
xol yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3a plu., they learned (how 
to shoot). 180-13. 

danadiLa, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11. 
danadoLa, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1. 
danaduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it. 
197-4. 

da na du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12. 
da na du wiL a ei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2. 
da tcit du wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away. 
207-11. 

dedeiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. 
do he xol din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know 
how. 175-4. 

tcit de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12. 
tcit du wiL waL ei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked off. 
159-11. 


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145 


teit du wiL wis, past def. 3 sing., he rolled it between his 
hands. 197-4. 

teit dii wiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it off. 
281-16. 

tco xo wiL tcwel Hl te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will fix the 
dance place. 211-16. 

teoduwiLxut, past def. 3 sing., she asked them. 301-17. 

kyo du wiL tsots tse, past def. 3 sing., a kissing noise she 
heard. 111-9. 

kyo diL tsots ne, imp. 2 sing., make a kissing noise. 111-7. 


Conjugation lc. 

YaiLwuL, he threw into the air. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 


Singular. 

1. yautt/wuL 

2. yuLwuL 

3. yaiLwuL 
3a. yaiLwuL 

Singular. 

1. do xo lin yauw wul 

2. yuL wul 

3. ya iL wul 

3a. yaiL wul 


ya dil wul 
yax wul 
ya ya iL wul 
ya yaiL wul 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do xo lin ya dil wul 
yaL wul 
ya ya iL wul 
ya yaiL wul 


Imperative. 


Singular. 

2. yuLwuL 

3. yatcoLwuL 
3a. yai ol wul 


Plural. 
yaL wul 
ya ya tcdL wul 
ya yai 6 l wul 


Singular. 

1. yaitUflwul 

2. yaiL wul 

3. yaiL wul 
3a. yai iL wul 


Customary. 

Plural. 

ya it dil wul 
ya ol wul 
ya ya iL wul 
ya yai iL wul 


146 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Present Definite. 


Singular. 

1. yaiL waL 

2. yanwaL 

3. ya win waL 
3a. yaiwiLwaL 


Plural. 


ya wit dil waL 
ya wol waL 


ya ya win waL 
ya yai win waL 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1. yain waL 

2. yanwaL 


Plural. 


ya wit dil waL 
ya wol waL 


3. yawiLwaL 
3a. yaiwiLwaL 


ya ya wiL waL 
ya yai wiL waL 


yaiLwul, cust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1. 
yauic taw, pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11. 
ya wiL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 362-8. 
yawiLtennei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3. 
ya winkas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3. 
ya win kyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6. 
ya nautc tme, pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9. 
ye na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5. 
yenawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12. 
wai in tuie, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12. 

Le nai win dil la din, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place 


351-5. 


me na wiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12. 
menawiLkyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4. 
naiwiLxaLte, fut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17. 
na na wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4. 
no na win dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut. 
97-2. 

hw)o iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. 
xa na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10. 
xe e iL y5l, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15. 
xeewinwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11. 
xe e na iL kis, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3. 
xot da in kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8. 
da nai win kil Hl te, fut. def. 3a sing., fog will stay. 273-2. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


147 


dje wiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it. 108-11. 
djewiLkil, past def. 3 sing., he tore away. 176-9. 
djenawiLtma, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2. 
tawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., he started across. 315-1. 
tcwin dai wiL ten, past def. 3a sing., he spoiled. 221-13. 
tcwin da wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he spoiled. 222-5. 
keyawinna, past def. 3 plu., they cooked. 266-10. 
ke win na, past def. 3 sing., she cooked them. 99-9. 
kewiLifan, past def. 3 sing., he put (pitch). 150-12. 
ke na win na, past def. 3 sing., he cooked it. 260-6. 
kyu wa na iL tuic, cust. 3 sing., he who gives back. 241-4. 
kit ta ya wiL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal. 


180-4. 


Conjugation Id. 


YekiLwis, he is boring a hole. 


Present Definite. 


Singular. 

1. ye kyuir wis 

2. yekinwis 

3. yekiLwis 
3a. yeylkiLwis 


ye kit dil wis 
ye kyoL wis 
ye ya Ml wis 
ye yai Ml wis 


Plural. 


Impotential. 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


Singular. 

1. doxolin yekyuiawis 

2. ye Ml wis 

3. ye Ml wis 


Plural. 

doxolin ye kit dil wis 


ye kyoL wis 
ye ya Ml wis 
ye yai Ml wis 


ye yi Ml wis 


Imperative. 


Singular. 

2. yekiLwis 

3. yekyoLwis 
3a. ye yi kyoL wis 


Plural. 

ye kyoL wis 
ye ya kyoL wis 
ye yai kyoL wis 


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TJniversity of California Publications. 1 Am - Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

1. yekeiuttfwis 

2. yekeiLwis 

3. yekeiLwis 

3 a. yeyikeiLwis 


Customary. 

Plural. 

ye ke it dil wis 
ye ke ol wis 
ye ya ke iL wis 
ye yai ke iL wis 
Present Definite. 


Singular. 

1. yekeLwis 

2. yekyuwiLwis 

3. yekiLwis 
3a. yeylkiLwis 

Singular. 

1. yekeLwis 

2. yekyuwiLwis 

3. yekiLwis 
3a. yeyikiLwis 


Plural. 

ye kyu wit dil wis 
ye kyu wol wis 
ye ya kiL wis 
ye yai kiL wis 
Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ye kyu wit dil wis 
ye kyu wol wis 
ye ya kiL wis 
ye yai kiL wis 


a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with 
it. 202-3. 


a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw 
himself with it. 202-7. 

a diL no ke iL qo w, cust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with 
himself. 202-4. 

yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. 
yenaxSLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. 
ye kiL wis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3. 
yekintaL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2. 
yekiLtseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in. 
111-9. 


yin ne ya xol taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he 
tramped them. 361-10. 

ma kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1. 
ma kyuw kit, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1. 
miL xot da kiL waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped 
down. 189-11. 

min noi kiL dik, past def. 3a sing., he peeked open. 113-15. 


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149 


naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. 
nai xoi iL fail, cust. 3a sing., it flew around her. 338-8. 
na yai xoi iL tcw5 ig, oust. 3a plu., they brush him to¬ 
gether. 196-3. 

nadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing.,- he put it. 114-5. 
niyunkiLuL, pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2. 
no na xol tihfl, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8. 
hird iL kas, im;. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. 
xa na xo iL tu?.o, cust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out. 


223-15. 


xot da na ya x5l xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked 
him. 170-3. 

xwa ya kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. 
da na xol ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. 
da na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. 
da kiL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3. 
de xot diL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire. 
120 - 8 . 

dedeiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. 
do na ya xol tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 


166-15. 


do kiL tewit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12. 
tekii/qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw it in. 112-6. 
kiL tuw hw& un, pres. 2 sing, (interrogative) you are 
splitting? 108-7. 

kiL tuw tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5 

kiL tewit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. 

kyute tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 


Conjugation 2. 


Me iL xe, he is finishing. 


1. mutexe 

2. miLxe 

3. meiLxe 
3a. mliLxe 


Singular. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
me dil xe 
meL xe 
me ya iL xe 
me yaiL xe 


150 


University of California Publications. L Am - Arch - Eth ' 


Impotential. 



Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

doxolin muitfxu 

doxolin medilxu 

2. 

min xu 

meL xu 

3. 

me iL xu 

me ya iL xu 

3a. 

mi iL xu 

me yaiL xu 



Imperative. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

2. 

miLxe 

meL xe 

3. 

me tcoL xe 

me ya tcoL xe 

3a. 

me yoL xe 

me ya yoL xe 



Customary. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

me ime xu 

me it dil xu 

2. 

me iL xu 

me ol xu 

3. 

me iL xu 

me ya iL xu 

3a. 

mi iL xu 

me yai iL xu 



Present Definite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

me neL xe 

min dil xe 

2. 

me niL xe 

me noL xe 

3. 

me niL xe 

me ya niL xe 

3a. 

mi niL xe 

me yai niL xe 



Past Definite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

me neL xe 

min dil xe 

2. 

me niL xe 

me noL xe 

3. 

me niL xe 

me ya niL xe 

3a. 

mi niL xe 

me yai niL xe 


aL me na nil. tcwit, past def. 3 sing., with it she pushed 
herself. 135-11. 

iL kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it. 
143-2. 

ya niL kait dei, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15. 

wunndLkai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14. 

wun no neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16. 


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151 


wun n6 xon niL tin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to get 
him to do. 141-13. 

Lenaninten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around. 
282-10. 

Le kin niL yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10. 
me na niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13. 
me neL xe teL, fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3. 
me niL xe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8. 
me niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2. 
me xo niL tcwit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed 
him. 109-13. 

me tee ya niL to, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5. 
min xoi niL xe, past def. 3 a sing., it went on him. 308-8. 
miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18. 
nanayaxonniLxaei, past def. 3 plu., they found his 
tracks. 170-4. 

na niL deL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4. 
naninkis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1. 
niL kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he 
pressed. 210-17. 

noi in kit, cust. 3 a sing., spread out. 321-7. 
no iL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he chewed off. 288-5. 
noi niL kit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place. 
220-3. 

noi niL kit ne wan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared. 
210 - 10 . 

noi xwe iL lu, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11. 
no ya xon niL ten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7. 
no na iL kyos, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7. 
nonaininkit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3. 
no na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11. 
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up 
with him. 176-11. 

no na kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4. 
no niL tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9. 
noniLkait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13. 
no niL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8. 
no niL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch - Eth * 


nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 
356-6. 

h^u wa min tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. 
xoi kya niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him. 
222-7. 

xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him. 
356-17. 

xol tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 
108-1. 

do wun no iL kait, cust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13. 
do ma a din iL tcwit, cust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. 
do ma a din niL tewfit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk. 
276-3. 

do no niL tin te sil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want 
to leave it. 293-8. 

tee iL to, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12. 
tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9. 
tee na x5n neL tin, pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down. 
273-7. 

tcenaxonniLten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7. 
tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out. 
265-10. 

tee niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2. 

tceniLtik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14. 

tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2. 

tee niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9. 

tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. 

kenaneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1. 

keneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9. 

ke niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1. 

kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. 

kymv tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 


Conjugation 3a. 
NaiLxut, he is tearing down. 


Singular. 

1. name xut 

2. nuLxut 

3. naiLxut 
3a. naiiLxut 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
na dil xut 
naL xut 
na ya in xut 
na yai iL xut 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


153 


Singular. 

1. doxolin nauwxut 

2. nuL xut 

3. na iL xut 

3 a. nai iL xut 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

do xo lin na dil xut 
naL xut 
na ya iL xut 
na yai iL xut 


Singular. 

2. nuLxut 

3. natcoLxut 
3a. naoLxut 


Singular. 

1. na iuw xut 

2. naiLxut 

3. naiLxut 
3a. nai iL xut 


Imperative. 

Plural. 
naL xut 
na ya tcoL xut 
na yai ol xut 

Customary. 

Plural. 

na it dil xut 
na ol xut 
na ya iL xut 
na yai iL xut 


Singular. 

1. na seL xut 

2. na siL xut 

3. naisxut 
3a. naisxut 


Present Definite. 

Plural, 
nas dil xut 
na s5l xut 
na ya is xut 
na yais xut 


Singular. 

1. naseLxut 

2. na siL xut 

3. naisxut 
3a. naisxut 


Past Definite. 

Plural, 
nas dil xut 
na sol xut 
na ya is xut 
na yais xut 


The form with l is similar to that of the first and second 
conjugations. It will be noticed that the l disappears in the 
third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s 
which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable. 

a na dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,11. 


154 


University of California Publications. t AM - Argh - Eth - 


a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself. 
338-6. 

a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. 
a dis tcwin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5. 
iuwtcwe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7. 
intcwe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8. 
yai xos tcwuttf, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3 
ya na is kil, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2. 
wun lo tcis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., about it he laughed. 
151-15. 

me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10. 
naiLits, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4. 
nainits^x, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10. 
naiLte°x, pres. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-6. 
naisits, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6. 
naismennei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. 
naisxut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8. 
na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. 
na is tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12. 
na is tcwen nei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7. 
na is tcwin ten, fut. def. 3 sing., he will make. 321-11. 
nauw tcwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1. 
na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. 
nayaisxut, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8. 
naya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1. 
na sen tcwen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2. 
nasen tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11. 
na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14. 
nas its ei, past def. 3a sing., it ran around. 294-3. 
noi na sen tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6. 
hwuL tcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. 
xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. 
xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. 
ya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made up (a load). 
171-17. 

seL waL te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick. 
238-7. 

sen tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I will make. 290-8. 



Y°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Eupa Language. 


155 


seLtcwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 152-3. 
donaistcwin, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody conld make. 


322-8. 


tanaiswaLei, past def. 3 sing., be threw it out of the 
water. 217-17. 

ta na is ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out. 


217-17. 


ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to 
pieces. 108-2. 

te s5l tin te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. 
tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3. 
tciL wan win te, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2. 
tcistcwen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10. 
tcistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1. 
tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8. 


Conjugation 3b. 


TcissiLwe, he is killing. 


3. tcissinwe 
3a. yissinwe 


1. smcwe 

2. siLwe 


Singular. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
sit dil we 
sol we 
ya sin we 
yai siL we 


Singular. 

1. doxolin sua-we 


Impotential. 

Plural. 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


sil we 
tcis siL we 
yis siL we 


doxolin sit dil we 
sol we 


ya siL we 
yai siL we 


Imperative. 


Singular. 

2. siLwe 

3. ted sol we 
3a. yosdLwe 


Plural. 


sol we 
ya sol we 
yai sol we 


156 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Customary. 



Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

se mw we 

se it dil we 

2. 

se iL we 

so ol we 

3. 

tcis se iL we 

ye se iL we 

3 a. 

yis se iL we 

yai se iL we 



Present Definite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

se seL win 

ses dil win 

2. 

se sin win 

se sol win 

3. 

tcis seL win 

ya seL win 

3 a. 

yis seL win 

yai seL win 



Past Definite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

1 . 

se seL wen 

ses dil wen 

2. 

se sin wen 

se sol wen 

3. 

tcis seL wen 

ya sen wen 

3a. 

yis sen wen 

yai seL wen 

Verbs of this 

group in the third person sin? 


the definite tenses, instead of dropping the class sign l, drop 
the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example 
above belongs to the prefix. Most of these verbs are similar to 
those which occur without the s even in the first class where l 
would not stand after it. 

a til teox ten tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he is growing strong. 

294-17. 


yaxosei.wen, past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. 
yaxosinwe, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5. 
ya x5 ten xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15. 
yateL tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-1. 
ya teL kait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14. 
yateLwis, past def. 3 plu., they were afraid (they 
dodged). 179-10. 

ye tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., one after the other he 
stuck in. 322-2. 

yis se iL we, cust. 3 a sing., he killed. 136-13. 


V°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


157 


yis se teL wen nei, past def. 3 sin!?., he commenced to kill. 
136-10. 

naintendik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14. 
nai den do, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3. 
nayaxoteLxa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. 
na xo teL tcwo ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept. 210-12. 
na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5. 
naditteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16, 
192-12. 

na ten men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. 
na teL dit dame, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13. 
na ten ditc tewen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1. 
na teL dit tewin xd lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown. 
120 - 12 . 

na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3. 
ne se sen win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill you. 151-2. 
xoinateLweL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7. 
xoitenweL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night. 
198-12. 

xo lun ne seL win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn you out. 
105-16. 

xol teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18 
xose seL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11, 
163-10. 

xo smr we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. 
xo dit teL xuts, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2. 
seseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill it. 162-7. 
da na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. 
do he min teL dautr, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for 
it. 112-13. 

do he teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7. 
do xo lin no siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can’t kill us. 165-7. 
ten ate, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1. 
teL ate ei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train. 
200-9. 

teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3. 

teL tewin xo lull, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17. 

teL tewin te, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5. 


158 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch. Eth. 


tesoLtinte, fut. def. 2 pin., you will take. 222-7. 
tsissiiwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4. 
tee xo sen wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. 
tcexotenwaL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. 
tee xo ten ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. 
teex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her. 
137-10. 

tee sen wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11. 
tcis se in we ei, oust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5. 
tcis seL win detc, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5. 
tcis seL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16. 
tcis se teL wen e xo lan, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he 
saw. 186-7. 

tcissinwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4. 
tcit teL lu, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10. 
tcit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9. 
tcitteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12. 
tcit teL dauir, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15. 
tcit teL taL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4. 
tcit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9. 
tcit teL tewen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew. 
207-1. 

tcit ten tewin htaun, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6 
tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6. 
tcit teL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6. 
tcit teL qol, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8. 

tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along 

97-10. 

kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9. 

kit ten tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7, 

152-12. 

kit te sen tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8. 
kya teL tewe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry. 135-9. 
kya teL tewu we tsfi, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry. 
204-9, 281-11. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


159 


Conjugation 4. 

Na in tsun, he has just found. 


Singular. 

Present. 

Plural. 

1 . 

nau w tsun 

na dil tsun 

2. 

nuL tsun 

naL tsun 

3. 

na iL tsun 

na ya iL tsun 

3 a. 

naiL tsun 

na yaiL tsun 


Singular. 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

1 . 

do xo lin nau w tsis 

doxolin na dil tsis 

2. 

nuL tsis 

naL tsis 

3. 

na iL tsis 

na ya iL tsis 

3a. 

naiL tsis 

na yaiL tsis 


Singular. 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

2. 

nuL tsis 

naL tsis 

3. 

na tcbL tsis 

na ya tcoL tsis 

3a. 

na 6 l tsis 

na ya ol tsis 


Singular. 

Customary. 

Plural. 

1 . 

na iut£ tsis 

na it dil tsis 

2. 

na iL tsis 

na ol tsis 

3. 

na iL tsis 

na ya iL tsis 

3a. 

nai iL tsis 

nayaiiLtsis 


Singular. 

Past. 

Plural. 

1 . 

nauw tsan 

na dil tsan 

2. 

nuL tsan 

naL tsan 

3. 

na iL tsan 

na ya iL tsan 

3a. 

naiL tsan 

na yaiL tsan 


Two roots, possibly related, appear in the example given 
above. 


a iL en ka, past 3 sing., the way they do it. 227-2. 


160 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


aiLinneen, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5. 
a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13. 
aikininte, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6. 
adeinkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. 
a de xol kit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 

223-14. 

adiukiL, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16. 

adoiutrtsan, past 1 sing., I didn’t find it. 243-16. 

a duw kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. 

akiLen, what they do. 322-1. 

iuwtsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6. 

iiuatsun, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9. 

i mv tsun te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to find ? 244-7. 

ol tsai ne, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4. 

ya iL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2. 

ya xol tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. 

yo xol tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. 

ma a kiL en ne en, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11. 

naiLtsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11. 

na iL kit dei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6. 

nai xol tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. 

naya xol tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. 

na hwoL tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5. 

xa ai ya xol in fl x, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him. 

211-5. 

xa a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a ya iL in Q x, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10. 

xa a kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15. 

xo w tsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. 

xowtsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. 

xwaiukit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. 

siLtun fl x, pres. 3a sing., it lay. 266-8. 

siLkyos, pres. 3a sing., it lies. 207-6. 

do na ya xol tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 

152-6. 

dotciLtsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10. 
do iL tsun te xo lun, fut. 2 sing., you can’t find it any¬ 
where. 246-6. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


161 


doyaiLtsan, past 3 pin., they did not see. 98-7. 
do ya xol tsan, past 3 sing:., he did not see (them). 238-14. 
doyintsis, past 3a sing:., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9. 
do na in tsan, past 3 sing:., she did not find again. 243-16. 
dona in tsun de, pres. 3 sing., they won’t find again. 


321-10. 


do na ya in tsis, past 3 plu., they never saw. 191-5. 
ddna xol tsun xo Inn, pres. 2 pin., you won’t see him 
any more. 306-6. 

do he ya in kit, past 3 plu., they did not catch. 102-3. 
do he tciL tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4. 
doxdlin tciLtsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13. 
do xo lin nai. tsis, impot. 2 plu., never you will see. 361-11. 
do tcin tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4. 
dd tciL tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3. 
do tco xol tsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8. 
tee xol kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. 
tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7. 
tciL tsan nei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4. 
tciL kit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16. 
tco xol kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. 
tcu hwnL kin ne en, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me. 


176-14. 


Class III. 
Conjugation 1. 


Ya de qot, he is dodging. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

1. yauto de qot 

2. yundeqot 

3. yadeqot 
3a. yadukqot 


Plural, 
ya duk qot 
ya de qot 
ya ya de qot 
ya ya duk qot 


Singular. 


Impotential. 

Plural. 


1. doxolin yauwdeqot 

2. yun de qot 

3. ya de qot 


doxolin yadukqot 


3. 

3a. 


ya duk qot 


ya de qot 
ya ya de qot 
ya ya duk qot 


162 


University of California Publications. C Am * Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

2. yun de qot 

3. yatcodeqot 
3a. ya 6 de q5t 


Singular. 

1. yaiuwdeqot 

2. yaindeqot 

3. yaitqot 
3a. yaitqot 


Singular. 

1. yauwdeqot 

2. yandeqot 

3. ya wit qot 
3a. yatqot 


Singular. 

1. yauw) de qot 

2. yandeqot 
‘ 3. ya wit qot 
3a. yatqot 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
ya de qot 
ya ya too de qot 
ya ya 6 de qot 

Customary. 

Plural. 

ya it de qot 
ya 6 de qot 
ya ya it qot 
ya ya it qot 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 

ya wit de qot 
ya wo de qot 
ya ya wit qot 
ya yat qot 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ya wit de qot 
ya wo de qot 
ya ya wit qot 
ya yat qot 


The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above, 
are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur 
without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class; and 
those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na- 
with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are 
peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular 
-u w in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these 
tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of 
several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is 
appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone. 
The first person plural lacks its characteristic syllable beginning 
with d. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


163 


in ta na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12. 
in ta na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he would turn back. 
187-4. 

ya it qot, cust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11. 
ya wit xus sil lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15. 
ya wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15. 
ya na it xus, cust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1. 
yanawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15. 
ya nat xuts ei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10. 
ya nat dje u, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15 
yat mil lei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11. 
yat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10. 
ye wit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14. 
ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1. 
ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat will come. 209-3. 
ye wit kait din, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2 
ye wit qot, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3. 
ye na it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6. 
ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15. 
ye na wit ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6. 
yenawityate, fut. def. 3 sing., she will go in. 311-15. 
yi kyu wit tsos sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking. 
325-5. 

yo du wit xul lin te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for. 
296-3. 

nai wit in il, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5. 
na 5 dmo de xut, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10. 
naya witdil, past def. 3 plu., they went along. 172-1. 
nawitxusii., pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5. 
na wit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7. 
na wit dal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12. 
na wit dal lit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming 
along. 100-17. 

na wit dal hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7 
na wit dan, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7. 
na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17. 
nanaitdamo, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10. 
nanawityai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15. 


164 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


na na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2. 
na na wit din te, fut. def. 3 plu., people will live again. 
236-3. 

na nat yai, past def. 3a sing., the sun had gone down. 
202-9. 

ninstiwitdeL, past def. 3 plu., they danced. 366-1. 
hwa na na wit daL din, pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening 
(when the sun had gone down), 
hire de ai ye nat yai, past def. 3a sing., my head it came 
to. 356-15. 

xawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13. 
xe e ya xo wit meL, past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away 
part of themselves. 181-9. 

xol tcu wit dil, past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1 
xot da na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3. 
dawitqottsu, pres. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard. 
136-3. 

da na du wit ya yei, past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4. 
da nat la le, pres. def. 3a sing., it floating. 243-13. 
da nat xuts tse, past def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8. 
da na kit du wit tee iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., the wind, will 
blow gently. 273-1. 

do ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come in. 
238-12. 

djetwaL, past def. 3a sing., it opened. 281-17. 
tai win nun iL de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks water. 
338-7. 

tai din nun, pres. 1 plu., let us drink water. 179-3. 
tauio din nun te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink. 
111-13. 

ta win nan, 1 past def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7. 
ta nai win nun de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16. 
ta nai win nun te, 1 fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink. 337-18. 
tan din nan, past def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12. 
tewitqdtte, fut. def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed 
about to tumble. 286-13. 


1 These words change t to n before the root. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


165 


tctl wit til, past clef. 3 sing., she was holding up. 246-12. 

ke it mil lei, oust. 3 pin., they drop. 180-14. 

kyu wit tee il, past def. 3 sing., it blew along. 324-7. 


Conjugation 2. 

Na nit au w, he is bringing back. 


Singular. 

1. name de ame 

2. nan de au w 

3. na nit a me 
3a. nai nit ame 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

na ne de ame 
na no de &uw 
na ya nit auie 
na yai nit ame 


Impotential. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. doxolin name de auto doxolin na ne de ame 

2. nan de ame na no de ame 

3. na nit ame nayanitame 

3a. nai nit ame na yai nit ame 


Singular. 

2. nan de ame 

3. na node ame 
3a. nai no de ame 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

na no de au«? 
na ya no de ame 
na yai no de ame 


Singular. 

1. na ne ime de ame 

2. na ne in de ame 

3. naneitdeame 
3a. nai ne it de ame 


Customary. 

Plural. 

* na ne e de ame 
na no 6 de au«e 
na ya ne it ame 
na yai ne it ame 


Singular. 

1. nauiedeun 

2. nandeu.fi 

3. naindeun 
3a. nai nin de uh 


Present Definite. 

Plural, 
na ne de un 
na no de un 
na ya in de un 
na yai nin de un 


166 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

1. nauwdean 

2. nan dean 

3. na in dean 
3a. nainindean 


Past Definite. 

Plural, 
na ne de an 
na no de an 
na ya in de an 
na yai nin de an 


That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting 
the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first, 
from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of 
the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third 
from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju¬ 
gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position 
obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the 
past definite, for instance, na nin dean, or nanitan, would 
be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this 
class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the 
form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to 
be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent. 

yu wun dim mil lei, past def. 3a sing., it went through 
211-5. 

wun dim mil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3. 
wun dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2. 
Le nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire 
burning. 169-6. 

Le na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit. 
220 - 8 . 

Le na in di ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around. 
220 - 6 . 

Le na it dau w, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7 
Le nauip dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6. 

Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16. 

Lin duk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together. 
295-2. 

me nun di yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7. 
na in de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17. 
na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16. 
na in di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the H'lipa Language. 167 

na, in di ya din, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5. 
na in dik git, past def. 3a sing., they came back. 299-9. 
name di yai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10. 
naneitwmc, oust. 3 sing., he used to carry it back. 237-8. 
na ne it dame, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1. 
na ne it git, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 233-5. 
nanodiya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5. 
natindiyane, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18. 
no na in di tsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8. 
no na in duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump¬ 
ing. 329-18. 

no na it dje u, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 299-10. 
n5 na it tse, cust. 3 sing., she always shut the door. 158-1. 
no nan dit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15. 
no nun de xen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore. 
216-6. 

non di yan, past def. 3a sing., one was left. 118-11. 
nonundiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will 
stay. 259-17. 

no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2. 
no nun dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18. 
non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8. 
non de qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2. 
non dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2. 
nun di ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9. 
nun duk qotc tsu, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope 
back. 175-9. 

xol Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 
315-5. 

xol Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut. 
109-5. 

xol me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 
floated back. 315-6. 

do na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back. 
306-2. 

tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16. 
tee na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11. 
tee na in di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down. 
325-8. 


168 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

tcin duk kait dei, past def. 3 a sing., they came down to. 
158-16. 

tcin diik qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12. 
Conjugation 3. 

Na de qot, he is tumbling about. 


Singular. 

1. name de qot 

2. nun de qot 

3. nadeqot 

3a. na duk qot 

Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

na duk qot 
na de qot 
na ya de qot 
na ya duk qot 

Singular. 

Impotential. 

Plural. 


1. doxolin nauwdeqot doxolin na duk qot 

2. nun de qot na de qot 

3. na de qot na ya de qot 

3a. na duk qot na ya duk qdt 

Imperative. 


Singular. 

2. nun de qot 

3. natcSdeqot 

3a. na ode qot 

Plural. 

na de qot 
na ya tco de qot 
na ya 6 de qot 

Singular. 

1. naiuwdeqot 

2. naindeqot 

3. naitqot 

3a. naitqot 

Customary. 

Plural. 

na it de qot 
na 5 de qot 
na ya it qot 
na ya it qot 

Present Definite. 

Singular. 

1. nasdukqot 

2. nasindeqot 

3. naisdeqot 

3a. nasdukqot 

Plural. 

na se de qot 
na so de qot 
na ya is de qot 
na yas de qot 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hapa Language. 169 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1. nasdukqot 

2. nasindeqot 

3. naisdeqot 
3 a. nasdukqot 


na ya is de qot 
na yas de qot. 


na se de qot 
na. sd de qot 


Plural. 


The noteworthy iact in the preceding paradigm is the lack, 
in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the 
usual signs for that person and number. If the sign has been 
that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason 
for its disappearance; but if it was uw, as is found in the 
other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to¬ 
gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan 
tongue. 

in na iu w duk kai, cust. 1 sing., I always get up. 241-1. 
in na is duk ka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14. 
in nas duk ka ei, past def. 3 a sing., it got up. 114-16. 
in nas duk ka hit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8. 
yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned 
over. 117-4. 

menaisdlyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12. 
min na na se it dauic, cust. 3 sing., he always went around. 
346-3. . 

na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 
na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11. 
na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13. 
na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 


142-17. 


na na is dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around. 
314-6. 

na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6. 
nadesdukqot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12, 


222-9. 


natesdlyai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17. 
na tes di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3. 
natesdiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14. 
xa na is di yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2. 


Am. Arch. Etu. 3,12. 


170 


University of California Publications. 1 Am - Arch. Eth. 


xa na is di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up. 
210 - 12 . 

xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing., if she comes up. 111-6. 
xa na is diu Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. 
xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned 
around. 278-12. 

do na xos dil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4 
do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen. 
117-5. 

tanaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again. 
314-6. 

tsisdiyan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2. 
teis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old. 
325-13. 


Class IY. 


Conjugation 1. 
Na il yeuw, he is resting. 


Singular. 

1. nauwyeuw 

2. nul yeu w 

3. nailyemr 
3a. nal yeuw 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
na dil yeuw 
nan yeuw 
na ya il yeuw 
nayal yeuw 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1. doxolin nauwyeuw 

2. nul yeuw 

3. na il yeuw 

3a. nal yeuw 


Plural. 

do xo lin na dil yeuw 
naL yeuw 
na ya il yeuw 
na yal yeuw 


Singular. 

2. nul yeuw 

3. na tc5l yeuw 
3a. na 61 yeuw 


Imperative. 

Plural. 
naL yeuw 
na ya tcol yeuw 
na ya 61 yeuw 


V0L - 3 3 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


171 


Singular. 

1. naiuwyema 

2. nailyeuto 

3. nailyeuw 
3a. nailyeuio 


Customary. 

Plural. 

na it dil yeuw 
na ol yenw 
na ya il yeu w 
na ya il yeuw 


Singular. 

1. name yeuw 

2. nalyeuw 

3. na wil yenw 
3 a. nalyeuw 


Singular. 

1. nauwyeuw 

2. nalyeuw 

3. na wil yeuw 
3a. nal yeuw 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

na wit dil yeuw 
na wol yeuw 
na ya wil yeuw 
na yal yeuw 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

na wit dil yeuw 
na wol yeuw 
na ya wil yeuw 
na yal yeuw 


The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana¬ 
logs of those in Class II, the voiced 1 appearing in the place 
of the surd l, except in the second person plural throughout, 
where l is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due 
to the strongly aspirated 6 which, as the sign of this person 
and number, stands before the l and in the same syllable 
with it. 

In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this 
class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre¬ 
ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root, 
phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No 
facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the 
passive forms point to morphological causes. 

ya wil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9. 
yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18. 
ya kyu wil kyari ne xo lan, past def. 3 plu., they found 
they were pregnant. 278-3. 


172 


University of California Publications. C Am - Argh - Eth - 


ye e il ton xo lan, cust. 3 a sing., (birds) used to jump in. 
117-17. 

yenawilnat, past def. 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9. 
yenawil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-11. 
yenalLat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8. 
ye nu wil gil lil, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid 
of. 235-4. 

yinnelgit, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16. 
yinnenalLat, past def. 3a sing., in the ground it ran. 
221 - 12 . 

wun na xo ilyu, cust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. 
wut na ya xo wil yan, past def. 3 plu., they watched him. 
267-10. 

Lin x5 wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he addressed her. 98-10. 
Luwintfen, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. 
me ya du wil wautc, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk 
about it. 265-1. 

min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2. 
nailtsit, oust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3. 
nailtsitte, fut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11. 
nawilyeuw, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14. 
na wil dit tal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7. 
naliuiote, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13. 
nal hwin te, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6. 
nalditdal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along. 
115-15. 

nal tsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2. 
naLyeuw, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5: 
na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17. 
nanaldeiuw, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off. 
337-5. 

na nal dit tsit din, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4. 
na xo wil tsit xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15. 
na xo de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. 
na du wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14. 
na du wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13. 
na tcil yeuw sa an din, pres. 3 sing., the resting place. 
363-3. 


VOL. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 173 

na tcil yewc din, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3. 
ne iuw git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. 
nul diL Lat, past def. 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16. 
xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16 
xo wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4. 
xoLwildal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along. 
115-1. 

xol ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 
223-14. 

da wil Lat, past def. 3a sing., it jumped on. 113-14. 
da wil ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped. 115-9. 
da na du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12. 
98-15. 

dadeilya, cust. 3 sing., they stand around. 195-7. 
da tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2. 
datcuwilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14. 
do nil git he ne, imp. 2 sing., don’t be afraid. 170-15. 
do xwe xo yun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will be crazy. 307-10 
tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17. 
te nal dit do te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5. 
te na de il ya, cust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4. 
tee il La de, pres. 3 sing., he is running along. 220-13. 
tcin nel git, past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2. 
tcit dilye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8. 
tcit dil ye °x, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7. 
tcit dil ye te, fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8. 
tcit dil wamc tsu, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16. 
tcit du wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16. 
tcit du wil yel iL de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10 
tcit du wil ye iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9 
tcit du wil ye liL te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 
230-5. 

tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-11. 
tcu wil daL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming. 
176-11. 

kya tu wil tcwel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10 


174 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2. 

min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2. 
noil La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8 
no din nil tcwan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper. 
141-4. 

tee il Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2. 
tee il qol e xo lan, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out. 
185-11. 

tee na il Lat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9. 
tee tcil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16. 
tcin nil qdl ei, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9. 


Conjugation 3. 

Na dil in, he is watching for it. 


Singular. 

1. naduwun 

2. nadilin 

3. nadilin 
3a. nai dil in 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural, 
na dit dil in 
na ddLin 
na ya dil in 
na yai dil in 


Singular. 

1. doxolin naduwen 

2. na dil en 

3. na dil en 

3a. nai dil en 

Singular. 

2. nadilin 

3. nadolin 
3a. nai dol in 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

ddxolin naditdilen 
na doL en 
na ya dil en 
na yai dil en 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
na doL in 
na ya dol in 
na yai dol in 


Singular. 

1. nadeiuwen 

2. nadeilen 

3. nadeilen 
3a. naideilen 


Customary. 

Plural. 

na de it dil en 
na do ol en 
na ya de il en 
na yai de il en 


Y°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


175 


Singular. 

1. naduwesin 

2. naduwesilin 

3. naduwesin 
3a. nai du wes in 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

na du wes dil in 
na du we sol in 
na ya du wes in 
na yai du wes in 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1. naduwesen 

2. naduwesilen 

3. naduwesen 
3a. naiduwesen 


Plural. 

na du wes dil en 
na du we sol en 
na ya du wes en 
na yai du wes en 


As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first 
person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the 
usual signs found in that person and number. 

anuweste, past def. 3a sing., he looked. 143-14. 
iuieyo, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16. 
in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. 
innatcisLat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. 
yenesgit, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4. 
yenesgitte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2. 
yit du wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10. 
yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., they ate. 347-15. 
wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16. 
wunnaxoilyu, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. 
wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8. 
meisLadei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. 
me ya dzes la, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him. 
182-4. 

me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6. 
mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4. 
mi nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5. 
mi nes git teL, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7. 
na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch 
her. 137-3. 

nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1. 


176 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


ne iuw? git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. 
nesnoi, past def. 3 a sing., that stand. 220-3. 
hai da tcu wesyo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes. 
340-13. 

xa na is dii. Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. 
xoi na se il de qol, eust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling. 
185-2. 

xoinesgit, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11. 
xo wut xo wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 
137-7. 

xo wut tcu xo wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her 
137-8. 

xol xas tewen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18. 
do a wun tel wis he, imp. 2 sing., don’t be frightened. 
356-2. 

do wesyo, pres. def. 1 sing., I don’t like. 233-6. 
do nas do, pres. 3a sing., they won’t dodge. 258-13. 
do nit dje tel tsit ne, imp. 2 sing., don’t get excited. 
170-18. 

do tcu wesyo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7. 
te sil tewen ne dun, past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew 
time. 337-13. 

tes tewin ne en tcin, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was 
brought up. 117-13. 

til tsit fl x, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13. 

til tewen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12. 

til tewin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5. 

tol tewen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6. 

tslyunteildil, cust. 3 piu., they always ran off. 333-11. 

tee il yo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5. 

tcu wes yd te, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11. 

tcuweswaL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16. 

ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. 

kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


177 


Objective Conjugation. 


First Person Singular. 
Ya htuiL tiito, he is picking me up. 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. ya htuiL tutu 

3. ya htuiL tutu 
3a. yai htuiL tutu 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 


ya htuoL tutu 
ya ya htuiL tutu 
ya yai htuiL tutu 


Singular. 

2. ya htuiL tutu 

3. ya htuoL tutu 
3a. yai hiuoL tutu 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. ya htue iL tutu 

3. ya htue iL tutu 
3a. yai htue iL tutu 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. ya htuu wiL tin 

3. ya htuiL tin 
3a. yai htuiL tin 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

ya htuoL tutu 
ya ya htuoL tutu 
ya yai htuoL tutu 

Customary. 

Plural. 


ya htuo ol tutu 
ya ya htue iL tutu 
ya yai htue iL tutu 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 


ya htuu wol tin 
ya ya htuiL tin 
ya ya htuiL tin 


Singular. 


1 . 


Past Definite. 

Plural. 


2. ya htuu wiL ten 

3. ya htuiL ten 
3a. yai htuiL ten 


ya htuu wol ten 
yaya htuiLten 
ya yai htuiL ten 

As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object 
of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun 









178 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from 
that of other weak syllables which may be inserted. 1 The position 
of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im¬ 
mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in 
fact, it often forms a syllable. 

Verbs having the first person singular as the direct object. 
ahwola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. 
nahwoLtsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5. 
htciLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. 
htmkkyowun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it 
sleep me). 121-6. 

tee hwis su win wen de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3. 
tcu hwuL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me. 
176-14. 

tcu hwo wiL xul liL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me 
for it. 311-17. 

tcu hwo hire iL te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10. 
tcu htcon hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12. 

Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object. 
a na htciL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say ; 363-18. 
a hiain tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell 
me? 135-4, 363-16. 

a htciL tcit du win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11. 
a hicin tcit den htcun, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me. 
314-11. 

hw?e na tcoL xe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me. 
187-2. 

htciL teL dame, pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me. 
114-11. 

httUL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 
187-7. 

httfiL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15. 
htcin na wil lut<? te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me. 
307-18. 

hteo a nun amc> imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14. 


1 Compare, class ii, conjugation Id supra p. 147. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


179 


1. 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


1 . 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


1 . 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


hwSiLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. 
hum wa men tcwit te, fut. def. 2 sing., loan me. 
hwu wa min tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. 
hwuwuntuw, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7. 
do a hwiL tcit den de, pres. 3 sing., if he does 
me. 257-12. 

Second Person Singular. 

Yun ne tciL tuw?, he is picking you up. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

yun nuw tu w 

Plural. 

yun nit dil tuw? 

yun ne toil tuw 
yun niL tuw 

ya yun ne tciL tuw? 
yai yun niL tuw? 


Imperative. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

yun ne tcoL tu to 
yun noL tuw 

ya yun ne tcoL tuw 
yai yun noL tuw? 


Customary. 

Singular. 

yun ne iuw tuw 

Plural. 

yun ne it dil tuw 

yun ne tee in tuw? 
yun ne iL tuw 

ya yun ne iL tuw 
ya yun ne iL tuw 


Present Definite. 

Singular, 
yun neL tin 

Plural. 

yun nu wit dil tin 

yun ne tciL tin 
yun niL tin 

ya yun ne tciL tin 
yai yun niL tin 


296-11. 

not tell 










180 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

1. yunneLten 

2 . - 

3. yun ne tciL ten 
3 a. yun niL ten 


Past Definite. 

Plural. 

yun nu wit dil ten 

ya yun ne tciL ten 
yai yun niL ten 


For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro¬ 
noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons, 
precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular 
of the verb. Coming throughout immediately after the prefix 
ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to yun-. This 
is probably due to a shifting of accent. 


Verbs having the second person singular os the direct object. 
nit tcu win yun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7. 
nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you). 
294-5. 

nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 
252-11. 

x5 lun ne seL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out. 
105-16. 


Verbs having the second person singular as the indirect ob¬ 
ject. 

unniLduwne, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8. 
unniLdenne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8. 
neenesedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 
328-6. 

niL hw>e lik te, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3. 
niLxoiclik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8. 
niLxotyunte, fut. 3a sing., it will be easy for you to 
get. 357-7. 

niLxwelikte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4. 
niLteseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. 
nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 
356-6. 

nu wa. na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. 
nuwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 
353-7. 




y°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Uupa Language. 


181 


1 . 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


2 . 

3. 

3a. 


1 . 

2. 

3. 

3a. 


1 . 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


1 . 

2 . 

3. 

3a. 


Third Person Singular. 
YaxoLtutt\ he is picking him up. 

Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

Plural. 

ya xo w two 

ya xot dil tuw 

ya xol tuw 

ya xol tmc 

ya xol tu to 

ya ya xol tuw 

yai xol tmc 

ya yai xol tuw 


Imperative. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

ya xol tmr 

ya xol tuia 

ya xol tuw? 

ya ya xol tu w 

yai xol tuic 

ya yai xol tuw 


Customary. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

ya xoi imc tuw 

ya xo it dil tuw 

ya xoi iL tuw 

ya xo ol tuw; 

ya xoi iL tuw 

ya ya xoi iL tutc 

yai xoi iL tuw 

ya yai xoi iL tuw? 


Present Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

yaxweL tin 

ya xo wit dil tin 

ya xo wiL tin 

ya xo wol tin 

ya xol tin 

ya ya xol tin 

yai xol tin 

ya yai xol tin 


Past Definite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

ya xweL ten 

ya xo wit dil ten 

ya xo wiL ten 

ya xo wol ten 

ya xol ten 

ya ya xol ten 

yai xol ten 

ya yai xol ten 


182 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Verbs having the third person singular as direct object. 

yai xoi I yan, cust. 3a. plu., they always eat him. 195-10. 
yaixostcwuw, past def. 3a. plu., they smelled of him. 
165-3. 

yaxowiLxaiL, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5. 
ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. 
yaxonten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. 
yaxoLtsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. 
yaxonneLen, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him. 
278-3. 

yaxosenwen, past def., 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. 
yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 plu., they ibight kill him. 278-5. 
ya xos meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3* 
yenaxoLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. 
yexoneiLye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up. 
195-10. 

yo xol tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. 
na xo win hwaL, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6. 
min na xo wiL we, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepy 
(sleep fought with him). 121-5. 
min xoi niLxe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8. 
naixoiiLtfau, cust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8. 
nai xoi iL tewe ei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6. 
nai x5l tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. 
nai xon nu win hwon, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 
121-13. 

na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. 
na yai xoi in tcwo ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to¬ 
gether. 196-3. 

nayaxotenxa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. 
na na ya x5n niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his 
tracks. 170-4. 

na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 
121-7. 

naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. 
naxodeilen, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. 
na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch 
her. 137-3. 


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183 


no na xol tuw.’, pres. 3 sing., he had laid her. 342-8. 
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up 
with him. 176-11. 

xa ai ya xol in ux, pres. 3 plu., they did that with him. 
211-5. 

xai xostennei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 
239-1. 

xdwtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. 
xdfotsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. 
xoneLinteL, fut. def. 1 sing., I can’t look at him. 
138-12. 

xon neL in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14. 
xontcwit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10. 
xo se seL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11. 
xosuwwe, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. 
xot da na ya x5l xa, past def. 3 pin., down they tracked 
him. 170-3. 

xokyuwinnan, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 
203-1. 

danaxSLten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. 
da tee xo diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him 
away. 159-5. 

dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the 
fire. 120-8. 

do yux xo il lan, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2. 
do na ya xol tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 
152-6. 

do na ya xol tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know 
him. 166-15. 

do na x5l tsun xo lin, pres. 2 plu., you won’t see him 
any longer (more). 306-6. 

ddheyaxonneLen, past. def. 3 plu., they could not 
look at him. 139-1. 

do xo lin xon ne dil en, impot. 1 plu., we can’t look at 
him. 139-3. 

do tco xol tsis, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8. 
ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces. 
108-2. 


184 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


tee na xon niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out. 
153-7. 

tee xol kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. 
tee xo nil. ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. 
tee xon des ne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11. 
teexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. 
teexoteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. 
tcexoteLten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. 
teex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 
137-10. 

tco xol kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. 

tc6 xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her. 

332- 12. 

tcoxonneLen, past def. 3 sing., he looked at him. 
109-1. 

tco xon ne itc tewa ei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her- 

333- 3. 

tco xon niL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him. 
159-9. 

tco xon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 
257-1. 

ted xon des ne Inrun, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13. 
tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of. 
325-14. 

tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 
teoxostewen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8. 
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 
97-10. 

Verbs having the third person singular as indirect object. 
aixoLne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13. 
aixoLdeinne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3. 
a yai xol du wen ne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2. 
a xol tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. 97-7. 
a x6l teit den tsu, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8. 
ya xol tcit den ne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him. 
102-15. 

xa a xol tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


185 


xoi ye xoiiyan, cust. 3 sing., she suspected her. 158-3. 
158-3. 

xowaiLda, past def. 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13. 
xo wa ya in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14. 
xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan 
him. 356-17. 

xowatcinxan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12. 
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. 
xo wut xo wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 
137-7. 

xo wut tcu xo wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched 
her. 137-8. 

xol ya kit wul, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed. 
107-10. 

xoLwildal, past 3a sing., with him came along. 115-1. 
xol Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 
315-5. 

xol Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 
shut. 109-5. 

xdLmenundillatdei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 
floated back. 315-6. 

xoLneuwte, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12. 
xol noil lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with 
him. 

xol no nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with 
him). 364-7. 

xol no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 
209-13. 

xol xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with 
him). 137-18. 

xol xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 
341-3. 

xol xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her. 
341-2. 

xol da na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 
stuck up. 203-5. 


Am. Akch. Eth. 3,13. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


xdLdenneete, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6, 
139-5. 

xol ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 
223-14. 

xoLteillit, cust. 3 sing., he smoked himself. 
xdLteLtcwen, past def. 3 a sing., it grew with him. 
137-18. 

xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. 
xol tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. 
xol tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 
108-1. 

xoLtcinkit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it. 
107-10. 

xol tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. 
xol tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18. 
xol tcit du win neL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12. 
xol tcu wit dil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1. 
xol tcu xo wil lik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13. 
xol kin dje xa in nauto htrei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought 
with her. 333-4. 

xwaiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. 
xwayaiLkit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5. 
xwawilxan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5. 
do he xol din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not 
know how. 175-4. 

do xol din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know 
how. 176-6. 


First Person Plural. 
he is picking us up. 

Present Indefinite. 


Yun no tcil lmr, 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. yunndholluw; 

3. yun no tcil lute 
3a. yun no hil lute 


Plural. 


yun no ho lu w 
ya yun no tcil lu w 
yai yun no hil lu w 




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187 


Singular. 

2. yunnoholluw 

3. yun nd tc5 luw 
3a. yun no ho lu w 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. yunnoheilluw 

3. yun no tee il lmc 
3a. yun no he il luw? 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

yun no h5 Inw 
ya yun no teo lute 
yai yun n5 ho luie 

Customary. 

Plural. 


yun no he 61 lmc 
ya yun no tee il lu w 
yai yun no he il lmo 


Singular. 

1 . - 

2. yunnowilla 

3. yun no toil la 
3a. yun no hil la 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 


yun nd wo la 
ya yun no toil la 
yai yun no hil la 


Singular. 

2. yunnowillai 

3. yun no toil lai 
3a. yun no hil lai 


Past Definite. 

Plural.. 


yun no wo lai 
ya yun no toil lai 
yai yun no hil lai 


When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb 
is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens 
that -ten the root of the singular, requires l and therefore places 
the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the 
plural object does not require l and its verbs belong to the 
first class. 

The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second 
syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It 
follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to 
its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to 
its effect on the form of the preceding prefix. 







188 


University of California Publications. C Am - Akch. Eth. 


Verbs having the first person plural as direct object. 

do xo lin nd siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can’t kill us. 
165-7. 


Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object. 
a nd hoL teit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said of us. 
302-3. 

no hoL teit den ne, past def. 3 sing., they told us. 302-4. 


Second Person Plural. 

Yun no toil line, he is picking you (plural) up. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 

1. yun no hwuw luw 

2 . - 

3. yun no toil luw 
3 a. yun nd hil luw 


Plural. 

yun no hit dil luw 

ya yun no tcil luw 
yai yun nd hil luw 


Singular. 

2 . —- 

3. yun noted luw 
3a. yun no ho luw 


Imperative. 

Plural. 


ya yun n5 tc5 luw 
yai yun no ho luw 


Singular. 

1. yun no he iuw luw 

2 . - 

3. yun no tee il luw 
3a. yun no he il luw 


Customary. 

Plural. 

yun nd he it dil luw 

ya yun nd tee il luw 
yai yun nd he il luw 


Singular. 

1. yun no he la 

2 . - 

3. yun nd tcil la 
3a. yun nd hil la 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

yun nd wit dil la 

ya yun nd toil la 
yai yun nd hil la 










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189 


Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1. yun no he lai 

2 . - 

3. yunnotcillai 
3a. yunnShillai 


Plural. 

yun no wit dil lai 

ya yun no toil lai 
yai yun no hil lai 


These forms differ from those of the first person plural of 
the objective only in the forms which can logically occur. In 
the case of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb 
are barred; while in the case of the second person, the second 
person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of 
the verb it must be determined from the context whether the 
object is of the first or second person. 


Yaya xol lute, he is picking them up. 


Third Person Plural. 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

(ya)yaxotdil lute 
(ya)yaxo lute 
(ya)ya xol lute 
(ya)yai xol lute 


Singular. 

1. (ya)yaxotelute 

2. (ya)ya xol lute 

3. (ya)ya xol lute 
3a. (ya)yai xol lute 


Singular. 

2. (ya)ya xol lute 

3. (ya)yaxdlluto 
3a. (ya)yai xol lute 


Singular. 

1. (ya)ya xoi iute lute 

2. (ya)ya xoi il lute 

3. (ya)ya xoi il lute 
3a. (ya)yai xoi il lute 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

(ya)ya xo lute 
(ya)ya xol lute 
(ya)yai xol lu te 

Customary. 

Plural. 

(ya) va xoi it dil lute 
(ya)yaxoo lute 
(ya)ya xoiil lute 
(ya) yai xoi il lute 




190 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


Present Definite. 


3. (ya)yaxolla 
3a. (ya)yaixolla 


2. (ya)yaxo willa 


1. (ya)yaxwella 


Singular. 


Plural. 

(ya)ya xo wit dil la 
(ya)ya xo wo la 
(ya)ya xol la 
(ya)yai xo la 


Past Definite. 


3. (ya)yaxollai 
3a. (ya)yaixol lai 


2. (ya)yaxo willai 


1. (ya)yaxwellai 


Singular. 


Plural. 

(ya)ya xo wit dil lai 
(ya)ya x5 wo lai 
(ya)yax5x5l lai 
(ya)yai xol lai 


Since the form of the root indicates that the object is more 
than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the 
object and those with both are plural. 

Verbs having the third person plural for direct object. 
yaxosqot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. 
yaxoteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15. 
yaxoqfit, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. 
yeyaxolai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12. 
yin ne ya xol taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he 
tramped them. 361-10. 

nayaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. 
na ya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 


179-8. 


na ya xos duk qot de, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them. 


180-15. 


doyaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14. 
tee na ya xon min, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. 

Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object. 
xo wa ya tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. 
xol yai din ne win a, past def. 3 sing., they learned. 


180-13. 


xol yaL de wim min iL., pres. def. 3a plu., they filled with 
them. 153-17. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


191 


xol ya x5 il lik, cust. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10. 
xol ya xo wil lik, past def. 3 pin., they told them. 180-12. 
xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 
208-15. 

xol tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them. 
153-16. 

xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. 
Reflexive. 

Ye a din to, he is putting himself into. 


Singular. 

1. yeadutctfo 

2. ye a diL to 

3. ye a diL £6 

3a. ye ai diL to 

Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

ye a dit dil to 
ye a doL to 
ye a ya din to 
ye a yai diL to 

Singular. 

Impotential. 

Plural. 


1. doxolin ye a duw to doxolin yeaditdiHo 

2. ye a din to ye a doL £5 

3. ye a diL to ye a ya din to 

3 a. ye ai diL to ye a yai diL to 


Singular. 

2. yeadiLio 

3. yeadoLio 

3a. yeaidoLtfo 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

ye a doL to 
ye a ya doL to 
ye a yai doL to 

Singular. 

1. yeadeiuwtfd 

2. yeadeiLtfd 

3. yeadeiLtfo 

3a. yeaideiLtfo 

Customary. 

Plural. 

ye a de it dil to 
ye a do ol to 
ye a ya de iL to 
ye a yai de iL to 


192 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Singular. 

1. yeadeLtfo 

2. ye a du win £5 

3. yeadiL^o 
3a. ye ai diL to 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

ye a du wit dil to 
ye a du wol to 
ye a ya diL to 
ye a yai diL to 


Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ye a du wit dil to 
ye a du wol to 
ye a ya din to 
ye a yai din to 

It will be noted that the form of the reflexive inserted ele¬ 
ment is the same for all persons in both numbers. 


Singular. 

1. yeadeLto 

2. yeaduwiLtfo 

3. yeadiLtfd 
3a. yeaidiLtfo 


The following verbs have the direct reflexive form. 
anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. 
ana dil le, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1. 
a na dis loi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. 
a na dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. 
a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 
115-7. 

anayadillau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 
170-1. 

a na dit du wiL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one 
side. 108-15. 

a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. 
adistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make (for him¬ 
self). 363-5. 

a dux xun de, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3. 
yeadiLtfo, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12. 
no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 
223-9. 

noadinxauw?, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. 
do ma a din in tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move. 
341-1. 

do ma a din nin tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn’t 
walk. 276-3. 


VoL - 3 1 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


193 


Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object. 

a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for him¬ 
self. 338-6. 

a dana win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will 
get. 338-9. 

adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. 

adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 
223-14. 

a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with 
it. 202-3. 

a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him¬ 
self with it. 202-7. 

a diL no ke iL qow, cust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with 
himself. 202-4. 

a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself. 
302-10. 

a dit tcin nul lute, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3. 

a du wa nun du witc tcwil liL te, fut. 3 sing., she will rub 
herself. 

a du wun ya teL wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they 
were afraid. 179-10. 

a du wun din tcwin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe. 
353-7. 

a du wun do tewit te, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves. 

322-11. 

a du wun du win tewit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him¬ 
self. 319-9. 

aduwkit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. 

do a du wun tel wis he, imp. 2 plu., don’t be frightened. 
356-2. 


Conjugation op the Passive Voice. 
Yaxowiltin, he is carried off. 

Impotential. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. doxolin ya hwel dit tuiv doxolin yun no hit lute 

2. yun nel dit tuw yun no ho lu w 

3. ya xol dit tuw ya ya xot luw 

3a. yul dit tuw ya yat \uw 


194 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth - 


Imperative. 

Singular. Plural. 

2. yun nol dit tuw? yun no hoi dil Into 

3. ya xol dit tuw ya ya xol dil lute 

3a. yaoldittuw yayaoldilluw 


Singular. 

1. ya hice il dit tuw? 

2. yun ne il dit tuw 

3. ya xoi il dit tuw 
3a. ya e il dit tuw 


Customary. 

Plural. 

yun no he it luw 
yun no he it lute 
ya ya xoi it luw 
ya ya it lu w 


Singular. 

1. ya hwm wil tin 

2. yun nu wil tin 

3. yaxowiltin 
3a. yaltin 


Present Definite. 

Plural. 

yun no wit la 
yun no wit la 
ya ya xo wit la 
ya yat la 


Singular. 

1. ya hwm wil ten 

2. yun nu wil ten 

3. ya xo wil ten 
3a. yalten 


Past Definite. 

Plural. 

yun no wit lai 
yun no wit lai 
ya ya xo wit lai 
ya yat lai 


Past Persistent. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. ya hwu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai 

2. yun nu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai 

3. ya x5 wes dit ten ya ya xo wes dil lai 

3a. ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai 

In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and 
conjugations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which 
requires l and places its verbs in the second class in the active 
voice, on becoming passive passes to the fourth class. The root 
of the plural, not requiring l in the active, passes to the third 
class on becoming passive. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 195 

The definite tenses have w, the characteristic of the first con¬ 
jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act 
which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms 
which have been called past persistent resemble the third con¬ 
jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation. 1 

What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they 
logically possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and 
imperative. 

The following passives have the forms of Class III. 
wittcwa, pres., buried. 192-17. 

wittcwata, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-11. 
naw.es lenei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1. 
nawesmats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19. 
nawesdeL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15. 
no na wit fats, past def., it is cut down. 114-17. 
da xo du wes en, past persistent, one could see. 242-13. 
do 6 na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen. 
151-19. 

do na hicu wes tsun hwun, 1 sing., I must not be seen 
again. 217-18. 

do na xo wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he was not 
longer seen. 226-5. 

dokyuwityan, past def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4. 
kyu wit tcwok kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on 
a line. 165-8. 

The following passives have the forms of Class IV. 

yai kyu wil fats, past def., a blanket made of strips. 
207-5. 

willoi, past def., bundles. 210-3. 
wiltcwen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11. 
(dlhitfo)wiltewen, past def., something was made (a 
grave). 221-10. 

wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4. 


^Compare the forms given for the third conjugation, class iv. 



196 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Lena wil la, past def., a fire. 170-9. 
na wil tik, past def., a string tied. 353-4. 
nawillit, past def., he nearly burned. 330-1. 
nawillitdei, past def., he burned up. 120-8. 
nawillitte, fut. def., it will burn. 151-5. 
nanuwilxut, past def., hanging for a door. 171-1. 
na du wil tcwan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1. 
nakyuwilfik, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10. 
nowillin, past def., covered. 115-16. 
nokyuwiltaL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6. 
hicelweLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night. 
348-2. 

hwnn nu wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here. 


180-7. 


xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 


179-12. 


xoiyalweL, past def., they camped. 175-6. 
xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 
181-6. 

xoinalweL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4. 
xwel weL, past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night, 
da du wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried off. 


150-10. 


do wil tsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9. 
do xo lin ha il wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over 
night. 176-1. 

kyuwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6. 


Irregular Verbs. 


An, he says. 


Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. adutcne 

2. a den 

3. an 
3a. an 


a dit din ne 


a don 
ayan 
ayan 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Ilapa Language. 


197 


Singular. 

Impotential. 

Plural. 


1. doxolin adujrne doxolin adit din ne 

2. a den ne a do ne 

3. a ne a ya ne 

3a. a ne a ya ne 


Singular. 

2 a den 

3. a don 

3a. a don 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

a don 
a ya don 
a ya don 

Singular. 

1. adeiuwne 

2. adeenne 

3. adeinne 

3a. adeinne 

Customary. 

Plural. 

a de it din ne 
a de 6 ne 
a ya de in ne 
a ya de in ne 

Singular. 

1. a den 

2. aduwen 

3. a den 

3a. a du wen 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 

a du wit din 

a du wo ne 
a ya den 
a ya du wen 

Singular. 

1. a den ne 

2. aduwene 

3. adenne 

3a. aduwenne 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

a du wit din ne 

a du wo ne 
a ya den ne 
a ya du wen ne 


The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in 
the form of the root. That the root should have a short form 
for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be 


198 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened 
form is unusual. 1 

ayaiduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7. 
ayan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17. 
ayaduwinnel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say¬ 
ing. 153-14. 

an tsu, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13. 
a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5. 
a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2. 
a den tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. 
ya du wen ne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17. 
xaadenne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5. 
de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1. 
din ne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17. 
do a du win ne he, don’t say that. 175-1. 
donene, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3. 
duwenne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. 
duwinne, it played. 100-5. 


A tcon, he thinks. 


Singular. 

1. ai nuw sin 

2. ai nin sin 

3. a tcon 
3a. a yon 


Present Indefinite. 

Plural. 

ai nit dis sin 
ai n6 sin 
a ya tc5n 
a ya yon 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1. db xo lin ai nutc sin 

2. ai nin sin 

3. a ted ne 

3a. ayone 


Plural. 

db xo lin ai nit dis sin 
ai no sin 
a ya tco ne 
a ya yo ne 


1 Other forms have been given in the lists under objective conjugations 
and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is 
quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especially in the 
third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the 
definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den 
and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc, 
the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other. 



Yol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 199 


Singular. 

2. aininsin 

3. atcodne 
3a. ayoone 


Singular. 

1. aineiuwsen 

2. aineinsen 

3. a tco in ne 
3a. ayoinne 


Singular. 

1. ainesin 

2. ainuwinsin 

3. a tcon des ne 
3a. a yon des ne 


Singular. 

1. ainesen 

2. ainuwinsen 

3. a icon des ne 
3a. a yon des ne 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
ai no sin 
a ya tc5 6 ne 
a ya yo 5 ne 

Customary. 

Plural. 

ai ne it dis sen 
ai ne 6 sen 
a ya tco in ne 
a ya yo in ne 

Present Definite. 

Plural. 

ai nu wit dis sin 
ai nu wo sin 
a ya t con des ne 
a ya yon des ne 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ai nu wit dis sen 
ai nu wo sen 
a ya tcon des ne 
a ya yon des ne 


The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its 
forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have 
the root forms -sin and -sen; the third person the forms -n 
and -ne. 

ai yon des ne te, fut. def. 3a sing., she will think about. 

104-1. 

ainesen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3. 
aininsinne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17. 
ai nine sin, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3. 
a tco in ne, oust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4. 
a tcon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7. 
ya tcon des ne, past def. 3 plu., they thought. 265-2. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


nin sin, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12. 
httmnnesin, pres. 2 sing., don’t you remember. 163-8. 
do ai nin sin G x, pres. 2 sing., you don’t think. 337-9. 
tcoinne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. 
tcoxondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 
257-1. 

teo xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him. 
325-14. 


Conjugation of Adjectives. 


Nit das, it is heavy. 

Singular. 

1. nuM?das 

2. nin das 

3. tcin das 
3 a. nit das 

Singular. 

1. iuicdas 

2. in das 

3. teo das 
3a. yodas 

Singular. 

1. eimcdas 

2. e in das 

3. tee it das 
3a. e it das 

Singular. 

1. wu w das, or we das 

2. win das 

3. teuwindas 
3a. win das 


Present Definite. 

Plural, 
nit dit das 
no das 
ya in das 
ya nit das 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

it dit das 
5 das 
ya teo das 
ya yo das 

Customary. 

Plural, 
e it dit das 
eodas 
ya it das 
ya e it das 

Past. 

, Plural, 
wit dit das 
wo das 
ya win das 
yan das 


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201 


The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i 
conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the 
adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form 
more frequently employed. These prefixes which consist of a 
single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they 
are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives 
expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence 
of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are: 

nuienes, I am tall; tcenes, he is tall; nes, it is tall, or tall, 
nu w ht/;on, I am good; tcin nu hwon, he is good; nu hwon, it 
is good. 

nu w teL, I am broad; tcin teL, he is broad; nit ten, it is flat. 
nfUfltcwin, I am dirty; tcintcwin, he is dirty; nitctcwin; it 
is dirty. 

nuwkyao, I am large; tcinkyao, he is large; nikkyao, it is 
large. 

anuLkyo, (comparative form) so large it had swollen. 
121 - 10 . 

winkyao, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5. 
menkyowei, (comparative form) it was big enough. 
136-9. 

menawiLkyo, (comparative form) she was that big. 
341-4. 

nai xon nu wiL lucon. it cured him. 121-13. 
na ne iuw hwon, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4. 
na nu win hwon te, fut. 3a sing., it will be good weather. 
273-5. 

nu win hicon, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13. 
nu win htt/'on te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16. 
nuhM/6n°x, adverb, good. 236-3. 
nuhwjonhit, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15. 
xolunnuhiconten, fut.3a sing., will it be good? 295-9. 
teu win kya 6 we xo lan, past def. 3 sing., large he had 
become he saw. 186-6. 

nitc tcwin, pres. 3a sing., dirty things. 247-15. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,14 


202 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch - Eth - 


Luk kau, fat. 

Singular. 

1. Luiekau 

2. Lin kau 

3. tcitLukkau 
3a. Lukkau 


With prefix L-. 
Present. 

Plural. 

Lit duk kau 
lo kau 
ya Luk kau 
ya Luk kau 


Singular. 


Impotential. 


1. do xo lin Lute kau, I shall never be fat. 
(As in the present.) 


Singular. 

1. iuwka 1 

2. ilka 

3. tcolka 
3a. 61 ka 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
it dil ka 
ol ka 
ya tcol ka 
ya 61 ka 


Singular. 

1. eiutrkau 2 

2. eilkau 

3. tee il kau 
3a. eilkau 


Customary. 

Plural, 
e it dil kau 
e ol kau 
ya il kau 
ya il kau 


Singular. 

1. wutckau 

2. wilkau 

3. teuwilkau 
3a. wilkau 


Past. 

Plural, 
wit dil kau 
wol kau 
ya wil kau 
yal kau 


Adjectives having L for their prefix in the present have 1 
before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They 
resemble in form the verbs of the fourth class (the passive of 
the second class). 


iLet me get fat. 

2 I get fat at times. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 203 

The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the 
less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh. 
yauLkai, louse grey. 111-1. 

Littso, green stuff. 342-5. 

Littsowitc, blue beads. 199-7. 
niutsai, dry meat. 97-7. 

Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of 
being confined to the present is retained in all the forms. With 
the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used 
with verbs, tcit til te, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs 
of class iv, conjugation 3; while tcit tit tcit, he is tired, fol¬ 
lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 36. With the prefix tco-, 
is the adjective teodai, he is poor (lean), which belongs with 
verbs of class i, conjugation le. 

ROOTS. 

The term root has been applied to that part of the verb 
which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person 
and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots 
are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred 
to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider¬ 
able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large 
number indicate in addition the nature and number of the 
object affected by the act. 

It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still 
composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant 
and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con¬ 
sonants are the remains of suffixes. 

The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain¬ 
ing them and classified as to meaning and form. 

-ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The 
prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object. 
The syllable preceding the root states whether position is cus¬ 
tomary, without beginning, or assumed at some definite time. 
The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future 
as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact. 
Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force 
of “has position” to be expressed by this root. 


204 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


a) Having the short form. 

a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

eea, always lay. 292-2. 

iLwaiwina, (the trail) forked. 141-16. 

yaaa, he sat. 150-8. 

ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. 

yawina, he sitting. 162-11. 

ya Le da a din, 1 the corner. 286-1. 

yana, he sitting. 110-14. 

yanawesa, he sat down. 165-17. 

yana me da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11. 

ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. 

yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

ye wes a, (his face) was in. 153-10. 

yi tsin e e a miL, west the sun was. 333-4. 

win a, (house) went. 192-13. 

me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. 

naaa, he always has. 257-4. 

nanaei, it hangs there. 295-3. 

nanaduwina, it stands up. 364-14. 

nan ate, you will have. 357-7. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3. 

na nu wes a, (ridges) run across. 363-14. 

nadaa, it stood. 150-8. 

nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. 

(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head 
used to stand up). 340-12. 
naduwina, (smoke) came out. 197-5. 

(xoideai) naduwinade, if they listen. 341-12. 
naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. 

(tin) nina, road was there. 138-1. 

nu win ate, it will be. 

xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9. 

xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. 

xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xol yai din ne wiL a, they learned. 180-13. 

x5l da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 


1 Several, mutually, at right angles, have position, place. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


205 


da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. 

da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 
119-16. 

dayanawesa, he sat there. 144-11. 
danadiLa, shoot. 329-11. 
danadoLa, he can shoot. 145-1. 
danadiiwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4. 
danaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12. 
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to 
it. 271-10. 

do xol din nu wiL a, he did not know how. 176-6. 

du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. 

tawesa, it will project. 255-2. 

tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. 

teuwaal, he carried along. 257-1. 

kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1. 

kenanina, it leaning up. 99-5. 

keneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-9. 

kit tsots yu wiL a, “tsots” they made noise like. 364-9. 

b) The following have the same root under the longer 
form -ai. 

This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent, 
rather than morphological, the result of contraction with a 
suffix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form 
and the verb naa, “he has,” makes use of the form for its 
past tense. Nearly all the examples given below occur where 
the forms with the shorter root would have been expected. 

yauw hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. 
yanai, they were sitting. 329-3. 
yanawinai, he sat down. 136-6. 
nadaai, it stands. 244-12. 
xonmanadaai, the post back of the fire. 363-9. 
dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6. 
da yanawinai, he sitting. 162-2. 
donauwjai, I do not wear. 247-15. 


206 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-au, -a; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing¬ 
ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te, 
-tu, is used of dance songs. 

a) The impotential, customary, and past definite have the 
form -au. 

kitteeau, he sang along. 315-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -a. 

yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. 

na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

-an, -ul; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con¬ 
nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon 
and deer. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -aL. 

ninkyuwiLaL, he cut it. 266-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -ul. 

niyunkiLuL, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2. 

-an, -ul ; to chew. This root may be connected with the last. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -aL. 

tcuwinaL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -ul. 

keuL fl x, she chewed. 1 276-3. 

kin ul °x, you chew. 275-2. 

-au; meaning unknown. 

Lax ya xon no au, they fooled him. 166-10. 

-an, -un, -am#; to transport round objects. Verbs which have 
reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan 
languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all 

1 It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly all 
cases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean¬ 
ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing 
are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their 
translation into English. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


207 


objects according to their size and shape. The following verbs 
have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re¬ 
ferring to houses are also included here. 

a) The past definite tense has the form -an 
yawinan, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1. 
me nonin an, he put inside. 328-13. 
miLxossatan, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth 

it had been put. 121-14. 
na in de an, he brought. 365-17. 
nanawinan, he had taken down. 176-10. 
nananinan, he won back. 144-9. 
nasaan, it was. 360-8. 
nonaininan, he left. 355-10. 
no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 
no na nin an, he placed (a house). 117-8. 
no nin an, he established it. 273-3. 
xawinan, he took out. 100-10, 135-8. 
xdlunsaanne, there was much. 165-12. 
dayaduwinan, they took away. 171-14. 
da na yai du win an, they brought it back. 365-15. 
da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8. 
datcuwinan, he placed it. 210-6. 
deduwinan, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5. 
tetcuwinan, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. 
tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3. 
tee nin an, he took it out. 119-15. 
teiLan, he had. 171-16. 

b) The present definite tense (and forms with suffixes ) has 
the root in the form -un. 

mesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-15. 

na na win un xo lan, he had taken down. 176-17. 

nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9. 

nonaneun, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. 

nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no nin un hit, when he finished (when he put it down). 

234-7. 


208 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5. 

satin, standing. 110-13. 

sa un te, it will be. 226-10. 

da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

domesaun, nothing was in it. 243-9. 

c) Indefinite tenses have the form -amc 
yaautchwei, he held it out. 166-5. 
noamcneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12. 
no name amc, I never leave. 248-1. 
nonauwne, you must put it down. 210-7. 
no na kin amc ne, you must leave. 353-10. 
nmc auw, am I going to leave. 157-8. 
hwo a nun auw, give me. 329-14. 
xamcame, I am going to take it out. 135-7. 
xawa amc luciL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 
deduau(fe) htcinde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 
do no amc, he never put down. 259-6. 
do xa amc, one doesn’t dig. 135-3. 
do xo lin na ta amc, he won’t carry. 258-3. 
d5 tee amc, he never took out. 230-12. 
tee e amc, he took out. 333-2. 

-an, -un, -amc; to run, to jump. This root is only employed 
when the subject is in the plural. 

a) Past definite with the form -an. 
innaxdsan, they jumped up. 169-11. 
ya xon an, they jumped. 105-10. 
yexotaan, they ran in. 153-16, 238-9. 
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4. 
xanaxonan, they came up again. 360-10. 
xotaan, they ran down. 198-4. 

da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 
da xon an, they jumped on. 165-5, 347-18. 

b) Present definite with the form -un. 

ye xon un hit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

c) Indefinite tenses with the form -auw. 
noxoamchwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. 
xo tee amc, they run along. 363-14. 


Vol. 3] Qoddard.—Morphology of the Uupa Language. 


209 


daxooau ic, they jump on him. 195-9. 
ta naxoauic, they jump out. 165-6. 
te iL amc htrei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 

-ate; to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a 
pack-train and a herd of trotting elk. 

nil,ate, they came (with a pack-train). 200-2. 

teLatc, a pack-train came. 200-1. 

teL ate ei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. 

-eL; to have position. This root is used when the subject is 
in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same 
meaning as -ai, -a, given above. 

ya win eL, they were sitting there. 181-8. 

LenadeeL, they were joined. 347-4. 
nedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5. 
nanaduwineL, they stuck up. 106-14. 
naduwineL, they stuck up. 106-3. 
nineL, (everything) that is. 228-2. 
xodewineL, they were dead. 181-4. 
xueneL, they will go. 284-1. 
da na kin neu w eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 
tan eL, sticking out. 341-15. 
tewineL, they stand out. 283-14. 
tceyaneL, they ran out. 336-2. 
keyanineL, they were leaning up. 99-6. 
ke nin eL, they were leaning up. 235-9. 
kinnodeeL, they stick. 363-15. 

-en, -in; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the act 
of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary seeing requires the root 
-tsis. 

a) The past definite, customary , and impotential take the 
form -en. 

yaxonneLen, they looked at him. 278-3. 
nayanenen, they looked. 105-8. 
naneiLen, she looked at. 245-14. 
na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10. 
naxodeilen, he watched him. 202-5. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


natenen, he looked. 97-18. 

xa natenen, she looked for them. 300-14. 

xowesennei, one could see. 120-5. 

xon ne imc en, I am accustomed to look at. 138-13. 

daxoduwesen, one could see. 242-13. 

do 5 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 

do yu xon neL en, nobody looked at him. 362-7. 

dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. 

donelen, she did not look at. 136-7. 

do he ya xon neL en, they could not look at him. 139-1. 

do xo lin xon ne dil en, we can’t look at him. 139-3. 

ddteen, I don’t look. 351-8. 

tei en, I looked. 238-4. 

tcex xot dit ten en, he watching her. 137-10. 

tcinneuen, he saw. 99-4. 

tcitteen, he looked. 165-19. 

tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. 

tcitteteen, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. 

tc6 xon neL en, he looked at him. 109-1. 

tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, with the imperative 
employ the form -in. 

ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. 

min no tes in, he is looking under his arm. 113-1. 

naiwitihil, she looked. 243-5. 

nayatesin°x, she looked. 300-17. 

na ne wit dil in iL te, we will look at. 216-18. 

na neL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 

na x6t du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

naduwin, I watch. 259-14. 

na tern*; in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6. 

nateninte, you will look. 356-5. 

neiLin, I looked at. 175-10. 

neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3. 

niLin, look. 356-12. 

nmcin, let me look. 99-4. 


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xonneLinte, I can look at him. 138-14. 
do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 
138-11. 

ten in te, you will look. 140-7. 

te suit in, I am going to look. 171-2. 

tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 

tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16. 

tcittesin, one does (not) look. 237-9. 

-en, -in; to do, to act, to deport one’s self. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en. 
aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2. 

aikyutcen, I will do. 230-16. 
maakiLenneen, their doings. 361-11. 
mal yeox a in en, he took care of. 346-4. 

b) Present and future tenses with the form -in. 
aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. 
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13. 
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 

ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 

xa ai ya xol in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xaaiLinte, that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a ya iL in °x, they did that. 105-10. 

xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

-imp; to drop, to fall in drops as rain, 
nail imp, (tears) dropping. 337-14. 
naol (i)u w, which drops first. 115-12. 
nal(i)uipte, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. 
nanaldeimp, (water) dripping off. 337-5. 
da nal imp din, it dropped place. 338-4. 

-its; to shoot an arrow. 

ya xon its, he shot. 166-8. 

yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12. 

yoeits, (he shot at. 157-11. 

nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 

nakisits, they shot at a mark. 266-13. 

h«pis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 


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xa kin its, it shoot up. 158-7. 
xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. 
te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10. 
tcoyanits, they began to shoot. 144-12. 

-its; to wander about, to run around. 
naiLits, it is running around. 294-4. 
na iL its fl x, he ran around. 185-10. 
naisits, different places she ran. 185-6. 
na nan its, running around. 295-10. 
nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. 

-ut; to move flat flexible objects. This root is one of those 
which classify the object affected. It is employed of buckskin, 
cloth, and paper. The root -kyos given below is more frequently 
used and has the same meaning. 

noninut, he threw it. 112-3. 

tewautte, in the water I will throw. 111-17. 

-ya; to stand on one’s feet (used only in the plural). Com¬ 
pare -yen, -yin, below. 

dadeilya, they stand around. 195-7. 

te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4. 

-yai, -ya, -yame; to go, to come, to travel about. This verb is 
used only in the singular and for the most part of human beings 
but sometimes of animals and things. 

a) The past definite tense employs the form -yai. 
in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. 
yaninyai, he walked. 138-15. 
yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3. 
yatesyai, he went away. 360-4. 

(hwedeai)ye win yai, into my head it came (I heard). 

246-7. 

ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. 

(hwedeai) yenatyai, my head it came to. 356-15. 
yetcuwinyai, he went in. 97-3. 
yi man tu win yai, he was lost across. 97-8. 
yi de tu win yai, he was lost north. 342-9. 


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213 


T>e na in di yai. he completed the circuit. 220-8. 

menaisdlyai, he climbed. 103-12. 

me nun di yai, years (it came against). 145-7. 

min yai, it was nearly time. 286-6. 

mit tuk tcu yai, between he got in. 108-15. 

na in di yai, he got back. 121-16. 

naute di yai, I have come. 145-10. 

nanaindiyai, he came back across. 103-11. 

nanawityai, he came down. 138-15. 

nanatyai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9. 

na nih yai, he crossed. 119-17. 

nan yai, it rained. 144-5. 

naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 

natesdlyai, he went home. 97-17. 

neiyai, I came. 140-14. 

nit tana wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. 

non yai, it went down. 348-3. 

xaisyai, he came up. 105-1. 

xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. 

xotdawinyai, he went. 272-3. 

xotdanyai, it went down. 281-1. 

xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. 

xo tcu win yai, he came down. 104-12. 

do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. 

do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 

do he tee nih yai, he did not come out. 162-13. 

do xo lin nun yai, you may not live. 257-9. 

do xwe de ai ye nat yai, she never heard. 307-15. 

do tee nih yai, she never went out. 158-3. 

djenyai, it opened. 108-11. 

ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. 

tasyai, they have left. 271-2. 

teseyai, I went away. 353-6. 

tesyai, (its sound) went along. 348-5. 

tu win yai, he was lost. 122-1. 

tee na in di yai, he came out again. 102-13. 

tee nei yai, I have gone out. 99-14. 


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tceninyai, lie went out. 97-16. 

tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. 

keisyai, he climbed. 137-17. 

kiL dje xan yai, they fought. 165-5, 171-11. 

b) The present definite, the first and third persons impera¬ 
tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya. 

in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. 
ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3. 
yewinya, (she saw) come in. 305-8. 

(xoideai) yewinya, his head it has gone in (he has 
heard). 355-8. 

ye win ya ye xo lun, a person had gone in. 118-5 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 

yetcuwinya, they came in. 231-8. 

ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. 

winyaL, come on. 170-12. 

win yal xow, where you came along. 120-14. 

Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. 

Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. 

naindlyayei, he came back. 98-6. 

nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. 

naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 

na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5. 

nanunya, go back. 187-6. 

nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14. 

na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. 

natesdiyate, I will go back. 117-14. 

na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. 

neiya, I might go. 203-15. 

neyate, I am going. 348-15. 

ninteseyate, I will go with you. 187-4. 

ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. 

nin ya de, if they come. 334-10. 

nihyate, it will reach. 151-15. 

no nun diya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 

nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. 


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215 


xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2. 
xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 
xowinyaL, go along. 354-3. 
xolun tee nin ya, he must have arrived. 209-1. 
x5t da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 
dbneyahwmn, I can’t stay. 348-10. 
do teit tes ya te sillen, he did not feel like going on. 
281-3. 

tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14. 

tasya Inrun, one ought to go away. 215-8. 

teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. 

tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. 

tuwinyayei, he got lost. 348-17. 

tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 

tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. 

tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1. 

tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1. 

tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. 

tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. 

tcit tes ya ye xo lan, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. 
tcit tes ya din, he started place. 348-9. 
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 
kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody’s mouth. 
257-5. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -yamc. 
yeinyauir, they always go in. 305-9. 
mit tuk in yautr, get in. 108-9. 
nin yauir, go. 354-3. 

xot da ke i yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6. 
te ke i yamc Incei, they go in. 311-2. 
teen ya hwuL te, you will go. 356-8. 
kittiyauir, they came. 98-3. 

The following words have a root agreeing in meaning with 
-yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the 
impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form 
-yai, and -yautr is not found. 


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University of California Publications. C Am - Afch. Eth. 


a du wun xo kyun na i ya, about herself she thought. 
286-5. 

wunnalya, he worked on it. 226-2. 
wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. 
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. 
wun xoi kyun na i ya, she began to think about it. 276-4. 
wun xoi kyun na nan ya, he began to think about it. 
294-4, 117-12. 

(xoi kyun) me oi ya, we can make them think about. 
242-16. 

(xoi kyun) menundiyate, his mind will think about. 
314-9. 

(xoi kyun) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9. 

naelya, it used to rain. 229-2. 

na I ya, he used to go. 135-2. 

naiyadin, where I live. 231-5. 

naisya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13. 

naisyate, he goes. 307-13. 

na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. 

nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 

na na is ya e xo lan, she could walk. 276-11. 

(xoi kyun) na nan ya, he studied again. 103-2. 
nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. 
nanya, it rains. 229-3. 

(xoi kyun) nan ya, he studied. 102-17. 
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. 
nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 
keketnaiya, made a creaking noise. 290-9. 

-yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con¬ 
dition or plight. 

a) The past tense has the form -yau. 
a it yau xo lun, he was tired. 346-10. 
auwdiyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. 
anaidiyau, we do this. 361-9. 
anauwdiyau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5. 
a na di yau, it did that. 244-11. 
a nun di yau, it did this. 326-6, 275-1. 


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217 


a di yau wei, it is coming:. 104-14. 

undiyau, you did. 257-8, 337-9. 

xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. 

xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xaadiyau, it did that. 244-14, 337-17. 

xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. 

da xo un a tcit yau, that he was dead. 226-5. 

da xwed dan a di yau, what is it going to do. 270-6. 

d5xa undiyau, you don’t do that. 343-13. 

b) The present tense employs the form -ya. 
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. 
au?£ dlya, I might manage it. 101-11. 
auwdiyate, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5. 
adiyate, it will be. 260-18. 
atcitya, he is doing. 204-14. 
un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4. 
xadiyate, it will do that. 254-10. 
xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. 
xa a me di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. 
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. 
xoi kyun tewin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. 
xo lun a di ya, it has happened. 361-6. 
xo lan a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. 
da xo a di ya xo lan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. 
da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 
duw di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10. 

-yan, -yun, -yauifl; to eat. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -yan. 

yai win yan, they ate them. 200-8. 

yai xoi i yan, they always eat him. 195-10. 

ya win yan, they ate it. 266-12. 

ye i yan, they eat them. 195-9. 

yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. 

yik kyu win yan, it ate. 319-7. 

yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. 

yii win yan, she ate it. 319-5. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,15. 


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University of California Publications. L Am - Arch. Eth. 


noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. 

no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. 

da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. 

dokeyan, I don’t eat. 351-7. 

dokyan, she didn’t eat. 157-2. 

do kyu we hwan, 1 I don’t eat. 355-15. 

dd kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4. 

tee kin nin yan, they came out to eat. 98-2. 

tcinneLyan, he ate up. 111-5. 

tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. 

keiyan, he used to eat. 237-6. 

kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kyu win yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18. 

b) The present tense, definite and indefinite, and the impera¬ 
tive have the form -yun. 

ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17. 

yu win yun hwrun te, he must eat. 233-2. 

yuwinyunte, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. 

na kin yun, eat again. 192-7, 153-9. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

nit tcu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7. 

xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. 

da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. 

tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 

tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 

tcu win yun teL de, he would eat. 267-17. 

keiyun, I might eat. 98-13. 

keiyunte, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

kin yun, eat it. 166-6. 

kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. 

kyd yun, eat. 192-2. 

kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1. 

kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. 

kyuhwunil, I ate along. 120-16. 

1 The syllable -hwan is apparently formed by carrying over the sign of 
the first person singular -uu; and contracting it with -yan. 





V0L - Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


219 


c) The following seem to he from this root. 
me nai yl yaui#, they eat it down. 356-13. 
me nai yl yautc e xo lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 
do kit ti y&nw, they never went out to feed. 97-11. 
kit te I yauw, they came to feed. 310-10. 

-yan, -yun; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt 
a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not 
been discovered. 

a) The past tense has the form -yan. 

xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. 
do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 282-4. 
tsisdiyan, he was old. 169-2. 
teis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. 

b) The present tense has the form -yun. 
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. 

niL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. 
do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. 
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7. 
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 
do xo di yun hwun, there won’t be many. 308-6. 

-yan, -yun; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. 

a) The past , customary, and impotential tenses have the 
form -yan. 

wut na ya xb wil yan, they watched. 267-10. 
xoi ye xoi i yan, she suspected her. 158-3. 
xo wut tcu xo wes yan, he watched her. 137-8. 

b) The present has the form -yun. 

xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7. 

-ye; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic 
meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances are referred 
to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed 
as: tciu tun, ‘ ‘ he kicks, ’ ’ tcin wan, 4 4 he shakes a stick. ’ ’ 
naduwilye, they danced again. 215-13. 
doL ye, dance. 222-13. 
tcitdilye, to dance. 117-8. 
teitdilye fl x, they danced. 216-7. 


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University of California Publications. 1 Am - Arch. Eth. 


tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. 
tcit du wil ye in te, they will dance. 117-9. 
tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. 

-yeuw ; to rest. 

na wil yemv, he rested. 119-14. 
naL yemc, rest. 280-5. 
na tcil yeu w sa an din, resting place. 363-3. 
na toil yeu w din, the resting place. 347-3. 

-yeuw; to rub, to knead. 

Le ye tcu win yeutr, he jammed in. 143-10. 
tee win yemc, she rubbing them. 301-5. 

-yen, -yin ; x to stand on one’s feet. 

a) The past definite and the customary have the form -yen. 
winyennei, he was able to stand. 220-11. 
metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11. 

na win yen, he stood. 106-3. 

tee i yen, he always stands. 207-6, 332-9. 

tcu win yen, he stood. 109-11, 203-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -yin. 

tee i yin hit, when he stands. 258-1. 

-yets; to entangle, to tie strings together. 

Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 
151-10. 

-yo; to like, to love, to be pleased with anything, 
iuwyo, I like. 230-16. 
yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. 
wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. 
hai da tcu wes yo, more yet he likes. 340-13. 
dowesyo, I don’t like. 233-6, 231-8. 
do tcu wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8. 
tee il yo, he liked it. 202-5. 
teuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11. 

1 There is a glotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals 
which are surds. 



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221 


-yow ; to flow, to scatter. 

na kis yow hwei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 
noi ki yoic din, as far as it goes. 311-6. 
no kin nin yow, they were scattered about. 145-3. 
d6he xakin yow, it did not come out (said of water). 
105-5. 

kitteyotc, it flowed out. 100-11. 

-yol, -yoL; to blow with the breath. 

a) The past tenses have the form -yol. 
xeeiLyol, he blows away. 296-15. 

b) The present tense has the form -yoL. 
yetcilyoi., she blows in. 

-yds; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to 
stretch. 

tceninyos, he pulled out. 118-10. 
tcitteyos, she stretched it. 158-13. 

-yot; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs, 
ye yin ne yot, it drove by barking. 321-5. 
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. 
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. 
xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. 
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 

-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. This root is only used in the 
third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other 
Athapascan dialects. 

a) The impotential regularly has the form -wai, and it is 
found in the example given below where its appearance is un¬ 
explained. 

dowunnawai, he never had done. 321-3. 

b) All but the impotential have the form -wa. 
wunnawaneen, going after used to. 157-10. 
na wa, they were there. 209-3. 

nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. 
nawaye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. 
donawa, nobody going about. 166-2. 
do na wa te, he will not live. 257-11. 


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University of California Publications. C Am - Akch. Eth. 


-wauw; to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em¬ 
ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of 
a nimals as well the confused noise of the conversation of 
people. 

me ya du wil wauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1. 

me dil wauw, they talked about. 340-5. 

me dil wauw din, they talk about place. 340-4. 

me dil wau«5 ta, they talked about places. 340-12. 

xoi du wil wauw, they talked about him. 116-14. 

dil wau?^ tsu, he heard croak. 112-12. 

tcit dil wauw tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. 

-wal, -waL; to shake a dance stick, to dance. 

a) The past definite, customary and impotential have the 
form -wal. 

tee iL wal, they danced. 239-3. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -wan. 

seL wan te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. 

tcin wan °x, they danced. 238-10. 

tcin waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. 

-waL, -wul, -wul; to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

a) The definite tenses employ the form -waL. 
yawiLwaL, he threw. 362-8. 
yenaxoLwaL, he threw him. 106-13. 

Le nun du waL, it shut. 108-16. 
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1. 
miL xot da kin waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. 
na ya. du wil waL, they were scattered about. 109-13, 
192-17, 170-11. 

naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. 

na deL waL, he put it. 114-5. 

nadittenwaL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16. 

xa xo wil waL, ‘ ‘ Dug-from-the-ground. ’ ’ 138-9. 

xeewinwaL, she threw away. 189-11. 

xe e na kin waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Eupa Language. 223 


xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 

208-17. 

xol Le nun dti waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. 
danadenwaL, he poured it. 281-17. 
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. 
djetwaL, it opened. 281-17. 

ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 
teit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. 
tee xd ten waL, he pulled him. 106-17. 
tcuweswaL, he lay (like a log). 112-16. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -wul. 
yaiLwul, she always clubs them. 196-1. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form 

-WUL. 

na a din wul, hurry (throw yourself). 354-3. 
niL yai kyo du wul, with you let it seesaw. 107-17. 

-wan, -nan, -wun, -nun; to sleep. This root usually appears 
in the form of -nan or -nun, w following n of the preceding 
syllable of the definite tenses being assimilated to it. In the 
cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it 
probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root 
require that the persons affected appear as the object. The 
subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical 
miL found in the word miL na xo win we, “he felt sleepy” 
(sleep fought with him). 121-5. 

a) The past definite has the forms -wan, -nan. 
na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9. 
xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. 
xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. 
kyu win nan xo lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. 
xoik kyu win an, he went to sleep. 113-8. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the forms -wun, -nun. 

nikkyowun, go to sleep. 294-5. 

nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

hunk kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6. 


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-was; to shave off, to whittle. 1 

noninnas, he whittled it down. 197-3. 
tcuwinnas, he scraped bark off. 347-12. 

-wat, -wa; to shake itself, said of a dog. 

a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. 
a nai dfi wa, he is shaking himself. 

-weL, -wil, -wiL; the passing of night. Verbs with this root 
are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean¬ 
ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in 
the place or under the circumstances mentioned. When the 
verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse 
of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but 
seems to be darkness. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -weL. 
yl de yal weL, they spent a night. 200-9. 
yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10. 
wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15, 142-8. 
wilweLmiL, after night. 238-8. 

wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. 

wil weL din, at night. 142-9. 

min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. 

hwelweLte, I will spend the night. 348-2. 

xoi yal weL, they camped. 175-6,200-7. 

xoi nai weL, he stayed over night. 121-3. 

xoi na teu weL, they camped. 116-7. 

xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. 

xol xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12. 

xwel weL, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15. 

do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -wil. 
eilwil, all day. 275-2. 

eilwil, every day. 150-7. 

eilwil miL, in a day. 336-7. 

xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 

1 Forms with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre¬ 
ceded by n. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts. 



Vol. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


225 


xoi yal wil liL ta, they had camped. 181-7. 
xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. 
ded e il lh wil, it begins to be dark. 356-10. 
do xo lin hwil wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1. 

c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form 
-wiL, hut they do not occur in Hupa Texts. 

-wen, -win, -we; to kill. This root furnishes the generic 
verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the 
manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing. 

a) The past definite has the form -wen. 
yaxosenwen, they killed him. 171-12. 

yis se ten wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. 
tee xo seL wen, he killed her. 164-11. 
tee seL wen, he killed. 136-11. 

tcis seteL wen exo lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 

b) The present indefinite has the form -win. 
ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. 

bicit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1. 

xo lun ne seL win, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16. 

xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11,163-10. 

se seL win te, I will kill it. 162-7. 

tcis seL win detc, if he kills. 139-5. 

tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we. 
yaxosiLwe, they might kill him. 278-5. 
yis se iL we, he killed. 136-13. 

miLna x5 wiL we, he felt sleepy (miL fought with him). 
121-5. 

xo sme we, let me kill him. 159-8. 

xo dje yu wiL we, she loved him (her heart fought for 
him). 157-12. 

do xo lin no sin we, you can’t kill us. 165-7. 
tsis sin we, he killed one. 319-4. 
tee hwis su win weL de, if he kills me. 114-3. 
tcis se in we ei, she had killed. 333-5. 
tcissiLwe, he killed. 106-4. 


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-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuw, -we, -wel, -weL; to carry on 
the back, with or without a burden basket. 

a) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en). 
yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4. 
yawinen, she carried. 210-4. 
yanawinen, she carried. 172-1. 

ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3. 
yakinwenne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. 
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5. 
xakiswen, he had carried it. 166-4. 
tatciswen, he carried out. 120-10. 
tcinninen, she brought. 137-15. 
kinninen, he brought it. 97-14. 

b) The present definite has the form -win (-in), 
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. 

c) The present tense indefinite, customary, and impotential 
have the form -wu«;. 

yaawuw, he always takes on his back. 195-6. 

ya na ke u wuw;, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya ke wuw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 

ya kin wuw;, carry it. 105-18. 

naneitwuw;, he used to carry it back. 237-8. 

ne iuw; wuw; din, I bring place. 137-5. 

no u wuw;, he put down. 237-5. 

da yit de wmv hwei, he always carries it off. 162-7. 

tcin neu wuw, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7. 

tcin nu wuw; win te, she always brought. 157-2. 

d) The third person of the imperative and, it would seem 
from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite 
has the form -we. 

na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 

e) The following verbs have the form -we plus the suffix 

-1, -L. 

yakewel, someone carrying loads. 110-3. 
na na kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7. 
tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4. 


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227 


tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9. 

ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 

-wen, -win, -wuw, -we; to move fire, to wave fire. 

a) The past definite has the form -wen (-en). 
datcuwinen, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15. 
tcittetewen, she waved (fire). 242-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -win (-in), but it does 
not happen to occur in Hupa Texts. 

c) The customary, impotential and sometimes the present 
indefinite, and the second person of the imperative have the 
form -wuic. None of them occur in Hupa Texts. 

d) The tim'd person of the imperative and sometimes the 
present indefinite have the form -we. 

xon nauw we, fire I wave. 248-2. 

-wis; to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. 

a du wun ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid 
(they dodged). 179-10. 

yekiLwis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3. 
do a du wun tel wis he, don’t be frightened. 356-2. 
teit du wiL wis, he rolled between his hands. 197-4. 

-lai, -la, -lmo; to move or transfer a number of objects. By 
means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the 
objects moved or transferred are classified according to their 
shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects. 
When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes 
are affected, the root employed is -lai. 

a) The past definite has the form -lai. 

yanawillai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6. 
yasillai, they were there. 180-3. 
ye ya xo lai, they took them. 179-12. 
yetcuwillai, he took them in. 301-7. 
yin ne ya xol lai, in the ground they have put them. 
360-9. 

yin ne teu wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16. 
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 


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miL wa ya kin dil lai, we traded with them. 200-4. 
na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. 
na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. 
na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. 
na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. 
no nil lai, he put. 98-2, 307-2. 
xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16. 
xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. 
xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. 
xowatcillai, he gave away. 103-7. 
xo tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in. 164-9. 
sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. 
sil lai, standing. 202-4. 
da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. 
deduwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. 
do hicu wun nu wit lai he, don’t bring them to me. 230-13. 
tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2. 
tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5. 
tcin tel lai, they brought. 230-15. 
b) The present definite has the form -la. 

a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. 
yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9. 

Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 
Le nai wiL dil la din, they build a fire place. 351-5. 

Le na me dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. 

Lena wil la, afire. 170-9. 

Le na nil la xo lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 

Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. 

mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. 

nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14. 

sillaneen, used to be (on her). 153-4. 

de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 

te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 229 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -lmr. 
a dit tcin nul lmr, on yourself put it. 175-3. 
yaillmr, he picked up. 292-14. 
yalu w, he picked it up. 292-15. 
yei il lmr, waves began. 102-2. 
ye tee il line, he used to take. 288-2. 

Lenail lute, she started the fire. 153-1. 

Le na lmr, he built a fire. 235-14. 

na yanil lmrneen, which had been lost. 144-7. 

nin tcin no il lmr, he put together. 334-12. 

no il lute, she put. 157-11. 

no na il lmr, she left off. 332-10. 

sahwillmr, put in your mouth. 276-8. 

tee il lmr, he used to take out. 230-11... 

tcin ne il lmr, they always brought. 230-10. 

-lai, -la, -lmr; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, 
to hand something to someone. 

a) The past definite has the form -lai. 
yanakillai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 

wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. 
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. 
kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. 

b) The present definite has the form -la. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

-lai, -la, -lmr; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some, 
at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which 
carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de¬ 
rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with 
it in the thought of the Hupa. 

a) The past definite has the form -lai. 
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. 
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. 
xot da wil lai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13. 
xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. 
dit tse no nil lai, they headed the canoe. 216-4. 
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. 
tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. 


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b) The present definite has the form -la. 

dits tse no nil la xo lun, it was pointed. 222-4. 
tcuwillale, they were going along. 222-1. 

It is probable that the following are connected with one of 
the preceding. 

kiL dje xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight. 
115-10, 17. 

kiL dje xai yd lute, let them fight. 115-2. 
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. 

-lau, -la, -lu, -le: to do something, to treat somebody or 
something in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or 
purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and 
last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible 
that two like forms with related meanings have become merged. 

a) The past tense has the form -lau. 
autrlau, I made. 302-10, 260-3. 
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. 
ayatcillau, they fixed. 172-4. 
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 
a na xo wil lau, he was ready for a fight. 162-10. 
anadillau, he made himself. 152-11. 
anatcillau, he did. 106-8, 145-11. 
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 
atcillau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6. 
akillau, they did. 266-13, 322-1. 
ul lau, what did you do ? 163-3. 

Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 

Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. 

min xo an na xo wil lau, for him ready to fight. 163-13. 

xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. 

xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xaaxolau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 

xa a tcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1. 

xon a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. 

xon a du wil lau, she marked herself. 311-12, 215-11. 

da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. 

da an na tcil lau, he tore down. 102-11. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 231 

b) The present definite, and in some cases at least, the 
present indefinite and imperative have the form -la. 

ailate, they will catch. 253-10. 

auw la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 

au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 

ayaxbla, something could befall them. 321-9. 

a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11. 

a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15. 

anauwlate, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

ahwola, you have treated me. 166-12. 

a xo wit la, something would happen to him. 223-1. 

axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

axolate, they will do. 306-12. 

axodilla, we could do with him. 116-16. 

a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10. 

nenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8. 

Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. 

c) The customary and impotential have the form -lu. 
mal yeuto ai il lu, she took care of it. 136-7. 
xaaxoiillu, always he did that. 237-9. 

d) A present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs 
with -le. 

ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7. 

ai kyu wil lei liu te, they will do. 230-8. 

awilleLte, he will do. 253-12. 

a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. 

anadille, fix yourself. 170-1. 

akyole, you do. 198-2. 

a kyu wil lei liL te, it will do. 236-3. 

ul le, take it over. 220-13. 

ullene, do it. 176-7. 

xaawilleLte, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a kyu wil leu te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xa ul le, do that. 165-19, 138-8. 


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-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lal. 

nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. 
kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. 

b) The present tense has the form -Ian. 
kin nautc laL, I dreamed. 191-8. 

-Ian, -lun; with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to 
desist. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lan. 

do yux xo il lan, they always quit. 196-2. 
do tco wil lan, she quit. 157-10, 242-13. 
do te5 wil lan, he left. 343-9. 
do tco x6 na wil lan, he went away. 343-8. 

b) The present definite has the form -lun. 
dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5. 
doyolunte, they will quit. 231-1. 

do yux xo il lun, they quit him. 196-7. 
d6 tco wil lun, he stopped. 234-2. 

-lan, -lun; to be born. 

a) The past tense has the form -lan. 
tcislan, he was born. 96-2. 

b) The present tense has the form -lun. 
islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. 

-lat, -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objects 
including dead bodies. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lat. 

nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17. 
nanalatde, it was floating. 244-9. 
na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. 
no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2. 
xa wil lat, it floated on the water. 266-8. 
xol Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5. 


y°l. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 233 

x5l me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 
x5l tes lat, it floated with him. 315-2. 
tadeslat, it came. 105-2. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -la. 

nala, it floating. 243-8. 

na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. 

daweslal, it floated. 314-10. 

da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. 

danawillaL, it was floating there. 325-3. 

nanatlale, it floating. 243-13. 

tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3. 

tesla, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11. 

tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11. 

-le; to feel with the hands. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 
na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. 
na kis le, he felt. 107-15. 
xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. 

-lei; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. 
When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently 
an extended form of -te. It may be that -lei is likewise formed 
from -lai. 

ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9. 

-lei; to bother. 

do xo lin tcwin yo wil lei, they won’t bother it. 267-4. 

-len,-lin,-lu,-le; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs 
with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency. 
a) The past definite has the form -len. 
yaislen, both became. 187-13. 
ya is len ei, they became. 110-1. 
yasillen, they had become. 182-6. 

Lisillen, they made bets. 142-16. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,16. 


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na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. 

nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. 

nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1. 

xolen, she has. 333-9. 

sillen, he got there. 346-6. 

sillen, it seems. 241-8. 

sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. 

sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. 

sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4. 

do ya xolen, they were lacking. 105-15. 

doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11. 

do na xo len nei, he was gone. 119-17. 

d5 nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 

do xo len, there was none. 159-3. 

do xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5. 

telenexolan, it had become. 187-5. 

tin nauw tsis len, he came to have. 348-16. 

tsislen, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2. 

(do) tcexolenne, he was gone. 163-6. 
tcislen, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7. 
kyodillen, he might be cold. 169-5. 

b) The present definite has the form -lin. 
nasdillinte, that was to be. 283-6. 
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. 
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. 
sil lin ten din, it is going to be place. 104-16. 
xo lin, it was. 340-7. 
doxolin, it is gone. 141-8. 
tsis lin te, it would become, 
tsis lin nete, he will become. 338-10. 

c) The customary, impotential, and a sporadic future have 
the form -lu. 

na at lu e xo lan, it had gone back. 234-11. 
nadillu, it will be. 243-2. 
hwe e il lu, it becomes mine. 248-1. 
xodjeeitdinteeillu, he became unconscious. 223-14. 
do xo lin nin xa ten toil lu, it won’t be rich man he will 
become. 338-7. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 235 

doxolin tselin tcillu, he won’t have blood on him. 
334-11. 

d) The present indefinite and imperative of all verbs con¬ 
taining this root, and all the tenses of some other verbs have the 
form -le 

il le ne, become. 109-6. 

5le, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7. 

o le ne, become. 109-18. 

na dil le, they are. 211-13. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 

na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. 

nat le lin te, it will become. 312-4. 

noxoslee, he is lost. 185-8. 

nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. 

xbxunxosle, she got married. 189-9. 

xwaeille, he had enough. 332-6. 

xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. 

doyldaille, they do not get enough. 196-7. 

do yi da le, it never satisfies them. 195-9. 

do xo wil lei lin te, it will be no more. 217-15. 

doxosle, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5. 

do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. 

tcille, it would be. 340-10. 

tcuwilleLte, he will become. 114-4. 

kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. 

-len, -lin; to flow, to run; said of any liquid. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -len. 

naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. 
ne il len, it always flows. 336-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -lin. 

ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. 
nau wil lin, to run. 108-19. 
nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. 


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no wil lin, it was covered. 115-16. 

tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. 

tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. 

tee na il lin xo Ian, it used to run. 117-18. 

-lit; to burn. This root is used only of the fire as acting. 
The root employed in verbs meaning to cause to burn is -Lit, 
evidently related to this. 

wa kin nil lit xo lan, they were burned through. 119-3. 
miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. 
na wil lit, he nearly burned. 330-1. 
na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. 
na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5. 
no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire 
had ceased burning). 210-8. 
x6l no il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4. 
xol no nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7. 
xol no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. 
xoLteillit, he smoked himself. 
x5 tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7. 
doheteillit, it would not burn. 166-9. 
do he tel lit, it would not burn. 

-litc; to urinate. 

de ki dil litc te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

-lik; to relate, to tell something. 

na xo w lik min, to tell you. 226-6. 

niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11. 

niL xo vo lik, I am telling you. 360-8. 

niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. 

xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. 

xol ya xo il lik, he told them. 180-10. 

x5l ya xo wil lik, they told them. 180-12. 

xol tcu xo wil lik, he told him. 141-13. 

tco xo wil lik, she began to tell them. 181-15. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. 
yaisloi, they wrapped. 179-7. 


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237 


willoi, bundles. 210-3. 

Le il loi, he ties together. 334-12. 
nenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5. 
me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. 
mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. 
na iuw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. 
tsisloi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6. 
tcisloi, he played (he tied with). 144-4. 

-los, to drag, to pull along. 

ye na wil los, she dragged it in. 190-2. 
na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 
natelos, she dragged back. 190-1. 
xanaislos, she dragged it up. 192-2. 

-lti, -le; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party. 

a) The past definite, customary, and the impotential have the 
form -lu. 

Le du wil lu, he had killed several. 165-15. 
xoi du wil lu, they attacked them. 152-13. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -le. 

xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. 
duwillete, a company will come to kill. 332-3. 
du wil le ten, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. 

-lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -lu. 
nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 

do til lu, they never come. 252-3. 
tillu, they come. 254-12. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -le. 
da il lei, it always swam. 266-6. 

daweslel, it swam around in one place. 266-5. 
tcenillete, they will dive out. 252-9. 

-lu*#, to watch, to stand guard over, 
yeluw, it watching. 203-13. 


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me lu w, watching. 204-6. 

meluw-°x, he watched it. 205-2. 

me \tinv te, I am going to watch. 292-9. 

menailmcte, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. 

me name luw te, I will watch. 267-17. 

muw \uw te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. 

-Lat, -La; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this root 
are confined to the singular number and indicate rapid motion 
by human beings. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -Lat. 

innasLat, it ran up. 295-5. 

in na tcis Lat, he jumped up. 171-9. 

yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1. 

yenalLat, he ran in. 329-8. 

yin ne nal Lat, in the ground it ran. 221-12. 

naildiL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. 

na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. 

nul diL Lat, he ran back. 115-16. 

xa na is diL Lat, she had run up. 135-13. 

xeenawilnat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xo wil Lat, he ran. 199-4. 

xol ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14. 

da wil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14. 

da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12, 98-15. 

da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. 

tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. 

tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. 

tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. 

tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. 

keisLat, she ran up. 158-8. 

kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -La. 

me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. 
na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. 
no il La, he came running. 360-8. 


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239 


da din La, run. 176-6. 

teeilLade, he is running along. 220-13. 

temp La, let me run out. 171-9. 

-Lit; to cause to bum. This root is confined to the transitive 
use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in¬ 
transitive and passive verbs. 

na win Lit, she burned it. 311-12. 

-lu, -Le: to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough- 
like material. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lu. 

naiuwLu, I paint. 247-12. 
na de lu, she marked across. 311-13. 
noixweiLLu, they throw down (blood). 195-11. 
tcitteLLu, he rubbed it. 278-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -Le which does not occur in Hupa Texts. 

-Lon, -Lo, -how, -Loi; to make baskets, to twine in basket¬ 
making. This root is very likely related to Lo, “grass,” from 
the materials of which baskets are made. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -L5n. 
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. 

na kit te Lbn, she wove another round. 305-7. 
na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. 

b) The indefinite tenses have the forms -L6 and Lo w, which 
do not seem to differ in meaning or use. 

na kit te it Low’, she always made baskets. 157-3. 
ke it Lb, she used to make baskets. 189-1. 
keitLow?, she made baskets. 305-4. 
kit te it Low, who always made baskets. 324-5. 

c) The impotential and nouns from this root have the form 
-Loi. 


kit Loi, a basket. 103-7. 


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-mas, to roll, to rotate. 

yawimmas, lie rolled over. 112-15. 

xatemas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5. 

tcenimmas, it rolled out. 197-5. 

-mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre¬ 
ceding. 

nawesmats, it was coiled. 151-19. 

-me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive). 

nai me, I swim in. 311-11. 
name me, let me swim. 97-15. 
nawimme, he swam. 209-13. 
nawimme, she bathed. 307-2. 
nanaiuwme, I bathe it. 247-1. 
nanaime, I bathed. 311-8. 
nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

-men, to cause to swim. 

ye na win men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 

me nim men, he landed him. 162-9. 

na in dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 

naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. 

na ten men, he made it swim. 266-1. 

tee nin men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. 

tcit ten men, he made it swim. 265-9. 

-meL,-mil,-miL; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having 

this root are always used with a plural object. When the object 
is singular, -waL, -wul, -wul is employed. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -meL. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 
342-14. 

ya wim meL, he took up. 142-4. 

yaxosmeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several 
strands). 164-3. 

ye tcu wim meL, they put them in. 200-5. 


t 


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241 


nadittemeL, they fell. 245-11. 
nimmeLdin, the place you bring them. 210-7 
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 
xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them¬ 
selves. 181-9. 

de du wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. 
tetmeL, scattered. 117-16. 
tcenanimmeL, he had them thrown out 301-14. 
tcinnemeL, he carried it home. 363-1. 
tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-3. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -mil. 
yai im mil, it kicked up. 290-2. 

ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

yademil, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5. 

yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. 

yu wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. 

waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8. 

wun dim mil, the going through. 144-3. 

wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 

no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. 

non de mil, they fell. 143-8. 

xatedimmil, chips flew off. 113-13. 

de na de mw mil, I put. 247-9. 

de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. 

tcit te dim mil, they fell one after another. 208-6. 

tco xo ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL. 
tee na min, throw them out. 301-13. 

tee ne ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. 

-men, -min; to fill up, to make full. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -men. 

de wim men, it was filled. 191-5. 


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b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -min. 

xol yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. 
dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11. 

-medj, to boil, to cook, by boiling, 
kyuwilmedj, boiled. 166-5. 

-mite, to break off, to pull off. 

ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10.. 

tcit du wim mite, she broke it off. 287-2, 293-16. 

teit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. 

-mut, to break out, as a spring of water; to break open, 
yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. 
xakindemut, it boiled up. 105-3. 

-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by 
placing above boiling water. 

me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. 
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 
ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10. 
kewinna, she cooked them. 99-9. 
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. 
kiL na, cook them. 237-2. 

-na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con¬ 
nected with the root next considered. 

na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. 

-na,-name; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the 
third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first 
person of these verbs has a root -h?ra, -htcautr, and the second 
person one -ya, -yautr. It is likely that this root as well as that 
found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya 
resulting from a preceding n. 

es tcin name, swimming deer (they come into the es, 
fishdam). 162-1. 

ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. 
ya nauir din, the going up place. 195-6. 


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243 


ye tcin naute, they will come in. 231-6. 

Le in name, they came together. 305-2. 
meu na IneiL de, if their time comes. 229-9. 
me win na IneiL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. 
na wit dits tin name, whirlpool. 120-3. 
ne in name, he used to come in. 305-1. 
nit de sin name un, didn’t you meet her? (didn’t she 
meet you?). 165-2. 
no in name, she stopped. 158-5. 
no win na hieiL te, he will go. 230-1. 

Compare, no kiL dje xa in name, she quit fighting. 333-6. 

nu win na hieil, he went. 282-10. 

xa sin name din, where the sun rises. 332-5. 

dd ye in name, no one ever conies in. 329-4. 

do mit tis in name, it never over it reached. 314-2. 

do tee in name, she never used to come out. 305-3. 

do tin name xo lun, he had not gone along. 174-5. 

te in name, he comes. 310-7. 

tu win na hiein de, if it comes. 105-12. 

tu win na hieiL te, it will go. 229-13. 

tee in name wei, he used to go out. 136-14. 

tcenauie, it coming out. 170-7. 

tcin ne in name, she always comes. 101-7. 

tcin nin name lneei, she comes. 101-6. 

tcit te in name, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8. 

tcit tu win na hieiL de, it will pass here. 272-8. 

kiL dje xa in name te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. 

-nan, -nun; to drink. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -nan. 

ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. 
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -min. 

tai win null in de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 
tai din nun, let us drink. 179-3. 


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ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. 
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 
tarn# din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 

-nan, -nun; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used 
of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the 
foetus. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -nan. 

na is din nan, he turned. 278-11. 
xol xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -nun. 

xol xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. 

xol xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 

xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12. 

-ne, -n; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, 
to play an instrument. 

a) The past definite, customary, impotential have the 
form -ne. 

aixonne, he kept telling him. 208-13. 
ai xol de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. 
a yai xol dti wen ne, they said. 165-2. 
a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7. 
ayaLdeimcne, I told them. 301-1. 
a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. 
ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14. 
aL tcit den ne, he talked to. 100-3. 
a nd hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. 
ahwuLtcinne, he will say of me. 363-16. 
a IcnciL tcin ne, why does she always tell me. 135-4. 
a hwiL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. 
a xol tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. 
adenne, he said. 97-15. 
a den ne, it made the noise. 321-5. 
adenne, she sang. 333-14. 
a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


245 


a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. 

un niL duw ne, I am telling you. 356-1. 

unniLdenne, I told you. 163-8. 

yaL tcit den ne, she told them. 299-6. 

ya xol tcit den ne, they said to him. 102-15. 

ya du wen ne, they said. 109-17. 

yaduwinneL, they said. 361-8. 

no hoL tcit den ne, they told us. 302-4. 

xa a xdL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. 

xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45. 

xol tcit den ne, he said. 105-18. 

xol tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12. 

deinne, he used to imitate. 182-1. 

dinne, it was playing. 99-17. 

do a du win ne he, don’t say that. 175-1. 

d5nene, let it play. 100-3. 

duwenne, it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. 

du wen nee tsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3. 

du win ne, it played. 100-5. 

tcit de iL ne, he played on. 99-12. 

tcit den ne, he said. 106-9. 

b) The present definite and the present indefinite except 
sometimes the first person singular have the form -n. 

ai we tcin, I hear it said. 360-1. 

a yan, they said that. 116-17. 

a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13. 

a hwnL tcit den hwun, he must tell me. 314-11. 

a xol tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. 

adende, if he sings. 236-2. 

a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

yei tcin, they say. 275-1. 

hidL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. 

do a hwiL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12 

tcin, they say. 135-1. 

tcit den de, if he says. 111-7. 


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-neuw, -ne yeuw; to talk, to speak. 

This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs 
employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan¬ 
guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of 
sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of 
some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are 
employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance. 

a) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form 
-neu w ivith the exception of the first person singular and the 
imperative forms. 

yit de din njn xun neuw, the Tolowa language. 110-11. 

wa nun xo win ne hwin te, they will talk about. 272-17. 

wun xai neuw te, he will talk about. 260-12. 

wun xu win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 

mux xun neuw hwe ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. 

nai xe neuw te, few will talk. 295-13. 

no wun nun xun neuw te, they will talk about us. 267-18. 

do he tee xai neuw, he did not say anything. 113-12. 

do xon no xun neuw, they never talk into her. 334-2. 

tin xe neuw, who spoke the curse. 223-8. 

tee xai neuw, he spoke. 105-1. 

tee xa in neuw 1 , he always said the same thing. 283-13. 
tee xo win ne htrin te, she shall talk. 289-12. 
tee xun neuw, he commenced to talk. 272-6. 

b) The first person singular and the imperative have the 
form -neyeuw. 

xun ne yeuw ne, he must talk. 227-4. 
xun ne yeuw de, if I talk. 217-15. 
xun ne yeuw te, I will talk. 217-11. 
xun nin yeuw, you speak. 153-7. 

With the preceding, is probably connected: 
kyuwennuw, it thundered. 144-5. 

-ne, -sen, -sin; to think, to know. 

a) The third person of all tenses has the form -ne. 
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. 
ateoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 247 

a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7. 
ya tcon des ne, they thought. 265-2. 
do ted xo xo ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6. 
tcexondesne, he found him out. 207-11. 
tc6 in ne, he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. 
tco win neL te, she ;will think about. 312-3. 
tcoxondesne, he thought of him. 257-1. 
te5 xon des ne htdin, he shall know. 319-13. 
tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. 

b) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form 
-sen, -sin. 

ainesen, I thought. 187-3. 

ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. 

ainuwsin, I thought so. 353-3. 

nin sin, you think. 337-12. 

hwuinnesin, don’t you remember. 163-8. 

do ai nin sin °x, you don’t think. 337-9. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. 
kyadane, they picked. 138-7. 

kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 

-nel, neL; to play (said of children). 

miL na we nel le x6 lun, he had been playing with. 
292-11. 

nain nel le xo lan, he played he saw. 186-1. 
na wenellexolun, he had been playing. 292-13. 

-noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This 
root is confined to the plural; for the singular, -ai, -a would be 
expected. 

Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12. 
nesnoi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3. 

-non, to blaze. 

kyuwitnoL, a fire blazing. 109-11. 

-nu, -ne; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. 
a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -nu. 
a en nu, it does it. 275-5. 
a in nu, he did. 288-9. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


a in nu min, when the sun was here. 332-4. 
a ya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2. 
awinnu, one should do. 99-11. 
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9. 
xa a in nu, that happened. 340-5. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -ne. 
ayatcdne, let them do that. 365-16. 
a win ne liL te, it will be. 311-17. 
auwinneLde, if it happens. 117-9. 
auwinneLde, if it happens. 117-9. 
awinnente, it will be. 289-11. 
auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. 
xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. 
xa awinnente, it will be that way. 259-18. 
tee in ne, it helps him she. 196-1. 
do xa amc ne xo xo lin, I won’t do that. 230-15. 

-ntxM?; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes 
into his head is used for the hearing of anything, 
tceinnuic, he heard about it. 204-13. 

Compare, ke wen nuw;, it thundered. 144-5. 

-hwai, -hwa, -hteauw; to walk, to go, to come. This root is 
found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a 
modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yauw. 

a) The impotential regularly has the form -hirai. (It is 
not usual for negatives to take such a form.) 

donahwai, I have never been. 336-11. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -hica (-hwal 
with progressive suffix). 

wiuw’hical, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. 
nahwa, I will walk. 164-6,175-7. 

c) The form -hirauw? may occur in the present or customary. 
nulm>autt?, I come. 351-1. 

-hwal, -htraL; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form 
-hwa\. 

yi kit tu hw?al, nobody hooks. 107-6. 
na xo win hwal, he hooked him. 107-6. 


Vol. 31 Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


249 


tayaishwal, they caught. 328-4. 
kyo ya win hwal, they fished. 328-3. 
kyo hwal le, somebody hooking. 106-15. 
b) The present and imperative have the form -hwaL. 

kit tuw hwaL, let me hook. 107-5. 

-hive, to dig. 

xakehwe, to dig. 135-2. 

tee kin nin hwe, he had finished digging. 100-9. 
kit din hwe ten din, he would dig out. 100-1. 
kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8. 

-hwe, -hwil, -hw'iL; to call by name, to name. This root is 
identical with the noun xo hwe, ‘ ‘ his name. ’ ’ 

a) All tenses without the progressive suffix have the form 
-hwe. 

naxouhwe, he will call. 283-11. 
tee xo hwe, he talked. 283-13. 
tcohweinte, they will call. 272-11. 
tcu hwon hwe e te, they will call me. 272-12. 
tcu hwo hwe iL te, they will call. 272-10. 
tcux6uhwe, he will call. 283-11. 

b) The past, customary, and impotential having the pro¬ 
gressive suffix take the form -hwil. 

kit te hwil, he called along. 98-4. 

c) The present and imperative having the progressive suffix 
take the form -hwiL. 

in hwin, you call. 355-6. 

hwiL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. 

-hwen, -hwin; to melt (said of frost), 
nal hwin te, it will melt away. 273-6. 

-hwot; exact meaning unknown. 

Le na kil du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1. 

-xa, -xu, -xaiL; 1 to track, to follow tracks. ; 

1 The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pr<k 
ceding rough x. In Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but 
judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been 
found to contain the vowel u it is probable that in the other tenses the 
vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xu; to finish, to overtake, p. 252 
below. 4 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,17 



250 


University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 


ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. 

nayaxoteLxa, they tracked him. 170-3. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

xot da na ya x5l xa, down they tracked him. 170-3. 

teit ten xa, he tracked it. 185-12. 

yaxowinxaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5. 

-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid), 
winxa, (a lake) lay. 101-13. 
winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9. 
naaxa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8,311-5. 
nan xa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1,310-1. 
nanxatcin, (lake) lies toward. 364-10. 

-xa, -xal, -xan, -xun; to dawn. It is probable that this root 
has a more definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no 
doubt the mythical dawn maiden, 
ye iL xa, mornings. 290-6. 
ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. 
yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6. 
nai win xan te, night will pass. 242-17. 

Compare, naisxunte, there will be sunshine. 228-1. 

-xa, -xan, -xun; to stand (said of a tree), 
naikyuwinxa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. 
nakyuwinxa, (medicine) grows. 364-11. 
da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. 
kyu winxa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-8. 
kisxun, (a tree) standing. 113-7. 
kis xun din, standing place. 137-17. 

-xan, -xun; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste, 
xwa wil xan, he liked them. 110-5. 

Compare, kiLLaxun, deer (said to mean “with it is 
sweet”). 

-xan, xun, -xau w-, to move in a basket or other vessel any 
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip 
up. This is one of the roots which classify the object affected 
according to its size and shape by being limited in that regard 
as to its application. 


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251 


a) The past definite has the form -xan. 
ya win xan, he picked it up. 337-6. 
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. 

ye teu win xan, she brought in. 209-10. 
no a din nih xan, 1 she placed herself. 223-9. 
no nih xan, she put it. 242-7. 
xowatcinxan, to her she gave. 246-12. 
xo sa win xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7. 
sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. 
saxanne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13. 
do teu win xan, he does not catch any. 257-9. 
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. 
tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. 

b) The present definite has the form -xun. 

mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 

mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 

no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2. 

no nih xun te, if he puts. 296-6. 

xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. 

xo lun se xun, must be there. 112-12. 

suxxun, lying in a basket. 171-7. 

do teu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. 

tsissuxxun, lying there. 223-11. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xauw. 

ya wl xauw hwhLte, he will take it up. 295-17. 

mis sun xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 

no a din xamr, lay yourself down. 223-9. 

no na iuw xautr, I leave it. 247-3. 

non xa uw ne, put it. 296-14. 

do sai xauw;, one can’t swallow. 141-2. 

tin xauw ne, you take it along. 246-13. 

tee e xauw, he always caught. 191-2. 

-xait, -xai; to buy. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -xait. 

tcoyatexait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8. 

1 This word means to place one’s self (a woman) in position for inter¬ 
course and probably is a figurative use of this root. 



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b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -xai. 

yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 
y6 xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. 

-xe, -xu; to finish, to overtake. 

me nen xe ten, I am about to finish. 261-3. 

min xoi niL xe, it went on him. 308-8. 

me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. 

me nin xe, he finished it. 296-8. 

hive na tcoL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2. 

-xen, -xu io ; to float, used only of plural objects. 

a) The past definite tense has the form -xen. 

no nun de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6. 
xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. 
xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5. 
tan xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. 

b) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im¬ 
perative have the form -xmc. 

no xutr, it floats ashore. 346-5. 

-xut, to hang. 

nanuwilxut, hanging for a door. 171-1. 

-xut, to tear down. 

na is xut, he tore down. 104-8. 
na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8. 

Compare, na in xut, it dropped down. 115-14. 

-xut, -xul; to ask, to question. 

na o duty de xut, I ask you for it. 296-10. 
too du wiL xut, she asked them. 301-17. 
tc6 du win xut, he questioned it. 266-3. 
yo du wit xul liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. 
tcu htyo win xul liL te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

-xuts, to bite, to chew. 

no iL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5. 
xo dit ten xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. 

-xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


253 


a) The definite tenses have the form -xuts. 

ya wun xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. 

ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. 

yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2. 

na na wit xuts, he nearly flew back down. 114-2. 

nin xuts, he flew. 113-17. 

no nin xuts, something fell. 246-11, 362-9. 

xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. 

da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8. 

da tcu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1. 

du win xuts, it came off. 157-7. 

tco xon niL xuts, she threw after him. 159-9. 

ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17. 

b) The parts of the verb other than the present and past 
definite have the form -xus. 

ya ex xus xo lan, they fell over. 117-17. 
ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. 
ya na it xus, he kept flying up. 113-1. 
waiexussei, he threw at her. 333-1. 
na wit xus in, he is falling. 152-5. 
na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7. 
na xus, which fly. 114-9. 
da un xus, fly. 114-2. 
da tee e xus, it used to light. 150-9. 
do he ya xo tcin te e a xus, it did not to them reach. 
166-8. 

te e xus, it flew up. 112-16. 
tee a xus, it flew. 244-1. 

-sel, -seL; to be or to become warm. 

a) The past has the form -sel. 

naayadissel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. 

b) The present tense has the form -seL. 

wa kin nin sen xo lan, it was heated through he saw. 
329-16. 

-sit; to awake. 

tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8. 


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tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. 
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. 

-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the 
mind, dje, to be sorry. 

tco o da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1. 
tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7. 

-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal), 
ye tcu wiL da, she carried in. 191-13. 
xo wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13. 

-dai, to bloom, to blossom. 

na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. 

kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

-dai, -da; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. 

a) The past definite and the impotential have the form -dai. 
matsisdai, chief (the principal one who stays). 329-9. 
meenanesdai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1. 

na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. 
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. 
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. 
sit dai, he lived. 278-1. 
da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. 
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. 
do xo lin se dai, I can’t stay. 360-11. 
tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im¬ 
perative have the form -da. 

e it da, it lies there. 247-8. 

ya sit da din, they were staying place. 299-12. 

na nes da xo lun, he was sitting. 270-10. 

ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. 

sin dan, you stay. 328-6. 

sit da, he was staying there. 164-16. 

suw da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12. 

da ne sedate, I will go fishing. 256-8. 

da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. 

do win da, all do not stop. 260-19. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Eupa Language. 


255 


tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16. 

tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5. 

tsis da din, he used to stay place. 220-9. 

tsis da te, he will stay. 211-7. 

tee it da, she used to live. 286-2. 

tcin nes da te, she will sit. 290-14. 

tcu win da, he stayed. 97-3. 

kyuwinnaida, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15. 

-dau, -da; to melt away, to disappear. 

a) The past and the impotential have the form -dau. 

na is dau we a xo lun, it had melted away. 236-1. 
do xo lin it dau, they won’t melt away. 254-7, 256-14. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -da. 

nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away. 
259-9. 


-dal, -dan, -dame; to pass along, to go, to come. 

a) The past tense has the form -dal. 
wildallei, it coming along. 174-7. 
min nail dal, she ran around. 153-2. 
nawilditdal, he ran. 221-7. 

na wit dal, he went. 223-12. 
na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. 
nalditdal, it coming along. 115-15. 
xol wil dal, with him came along. 115-1. 

b) The present has the form -dan. 

hwa na na wit daL din, in the evening. 99-13. 
mux xun nauic daL te, having gratified myself I will go 
back. 223-13. 

na nauic daL din, he was coming back. 152-7. 
na nau w daL din, sun gone down time. 322-9. 
tcu wil dan tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 


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c) The imperative, customary, and impotential have the 
form -dautc. 

ye na it dame, whenever he went back in. 288-6, 336-6. 
ye nun dam#, come in. 98-17, 192-7. 

Le na it dauw?, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. 
hteiL teL dame, (I wish) it would travel with me. 114-11. 
min na na se it dame, around he always went. 346-3. 
na na e dame, (sun) goes down. 364-4. 
nanaitdame, (sun) gone down. 104-10. 
naneitdame, he used to come back. 137-1. 
na nit dame xo lun, he had come back. 267-7. 
nateitdame, she always went home. 237-6. 
na teL dit dame, she ran back. 157-6. 
na tin dame, you better go back. 329-3. 
do he min teL dame, he did not run for it. 112-13. 
tcit teL dame, she ran up. 152-15. 


-deL,-dil,-diL; to go, to come, to travel. Verbs having this 
root are restricted to the plural. The singular is expressed by 
the root -yai, -ya, -yaute. 


a) The definite tenses have the form -deL. 
yanindeL, they went. 170-9. 
ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. 
ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. 
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. 
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 
ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. 
yetcuwindeL, they went in. 278-4. 
wunnaisdeL, they started. 101-17. 

Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. 
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16. 
me nin tsis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. 
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. 
naindeL, they got back. 181-8. 
na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. 
nawesdeL, it encircles (they encircle). 364-15. 
na na ya nin deL, they arrived. 172-2. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 257 

na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. 

na nan deL, they became. 96-6. 

na nan deL xo lan, they had become. 119-12. 

na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. 

na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. 

na niL deL, he struck. 120-4. 

nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. 

nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 

naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. 

nas seL, they began to walk. 180-16. 

nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. 

nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. 

na tes deL, they started back. 176-17. 

na tes deL, they started home. 329-18. 

na kis deL, they came around, 200-2. 

nin is deL, they danced. 104-14. 

nin tsis deL, they danced. 215-12. 

nin su wit deL, they dance. 366-1. 

no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5. 

no name nin deL, they came to marry. 208-11. 

no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. 

xa sin deL din, the coming up place. 363-3. 

xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7. 

xol tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. 

xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. 

da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2. 

da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. 

do he nas deL fl x, they could not walk about. 322-7. 

do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11. 

ta des deL xfi lun, they had come ashore. 101-2. 

tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. 

tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. 

tsi yun tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1. 

tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 

tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. 

tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. 

tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 


258 


University of California Publications. t AM - Arch. Eth. 


tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5. 

tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15. 

tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. 

b) The customary, impotential, and past of the fourth con¬ 
jugation have the form -dil. 

ya wit dil, they are traveling. 110-8. 

wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2. 

muk kut nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11. 

na it dil, who go around. 305-9. 

nayawitdil, they went along. 172-1. 

na wit dil lin te, we will visit. 177-2. 

na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. 

na nan dil lin te, they will live. 343-13. 

na dil, they were living. 100-7. 

na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. 

ninsindil, they danced. 105-7. 

xol tcu wit dil, those following him. 208-1. 

xu in dil, they will pass. 283-15. 

da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. 

da wit dil, they live. 365-8. 

do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10. 

do xo lin tin dil, they won’t go. 253-3. 

do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10. 

te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. 

tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. 

tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. 

tcu wit dil, they came along. 101-16. 

tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. 

c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form 
-diL. 

yai din, let us go. 142-14. 
ye nai din, let us go in. 210-13. 
wei diL, we will go. 207-7. 
wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. 

wun nai diL x5 sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 
104-11. 

wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. 


You 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


259 


LeneLte, (LenediLte), let us meet. 174-3. 
nai diL, let us go. 175-16. 

na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. 

nanadiL, come down. 166-7. 

na nin ne, they must live. 317-1. 

nano din, go away. 266-15. 

nadin, who are living. 321-3. 

nadiL fl x, they will live. 255-8. 

na din ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 

na diL din, he lived place. 100-6. 

na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. 

na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 

na kit diL xo lan, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. 

nin sin diL %, they danced. 105-9. 

nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14. 

nit to diL, come. 113-16. 

da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. 

do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 

tin diL, it is coming. 199-5. 

tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. 

tee in diL Q x, outside the door. 169-9. 

tee in diL min, for them to come out. 102-9. 

tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4. 

tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. 

-dil, -diL, -deL; to strike (?). 
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. 

-den, -din; to travel in company. This root is only employed 
in case of a number of persons who make a journey in company. 

a) The past has the form -den. 

sa win den, they all went. 142-15. 
sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6, 144-10. 

b) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -din. 

sa o din, travel. 152-7. 

sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. 

sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12. 

sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 


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Vnicetsiiy c>f California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-den, -din; to be light, to blaze. It seems possible that the 
words given below are connected in meaning. The negative with 
the verb may well have the meaning of gloomy, lonesome, the 
opposite of sunshine. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -den. 

yekinnenden, sunshine came in. 305-6. 
nakinneLden, she made it blaze. 288-11. 
dea xa win den, the time was near. 226-2. 
do tcu wiL den, she was lonesome. 306-10, 220-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -din. 

ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 
woLdintan (-te- with some suffix), you will get used to 
it. 180-9. 

na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. 
-dil, -diL; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -dil. 

kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. 
kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. 

b) The present definite and indefinite have the form -diL. 
kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. 

-dik, to peck (said of a bird), 
yisdik, he pecked. 113-13. 
min noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15. 
min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. 
min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17. 
nai neL dik, he pecked. 113-9. 
nainteLdik, he pecked. 113-14. 

-dik, to stand in a line. 

na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17. 

-dits, to twist into rope or twine. 

ya kyu win dits, they made rQpe. 151-11. 
kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 


v°l. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 261 

-do, to cut, to slash. 

nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3. 

ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 

-do, to quiver, to dodge, to draw back. 

xa en nai dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. 
donas do, they won’t dodge. 258-13. 
te nai dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

-dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected 
with dje in xo dje, his mind, etc. 

na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. 

-djeu,-dje; to fly in a flock. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -djeu. 

ya nat dje u, they came back. 301-15. 
ye wit djeu, they came in. 299-14. 
ndnaitdjeu, they came back. 299-10. 
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. 
naditcdjeu, they flew together. 299-1. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -dje. 
ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 

-djin, to come near, to bother something, 
do me djin, it did not mind. 315-4. 
do mite djin te, it won’t mind. 315-9. 

-taL, -tul, -tun, -tal; to step, to kick, to do anything with the 
foot. 

a) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL. 
yin ne ya x6l taL, in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. 
yekintaL, they began to dance. 179-2. 
ye tcu win ta.L ei, they landed. 362-5. 
noi du win taL xb lun, he had made a track. 292-5. 
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. 
no du win taL xo lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 
no kyu wil taL, the finishing dance. 104-16. 
da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 


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te n5 du win taL, in the water he stepped. 120-3. 
tcittentaL, they danced. 362-3. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -tul. 
nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tun. 
yeintuLne, you must step in. 209-2. 
nanatundin, the stepping down place. 207-2. 

no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

-tan, -tun, -tuw; to handle or to move a long object. This is 
another of the roots which classify the object affected according 
to the size and shape. For some reason empty baskets are re¬ 
ferred to by verbs having this root. 

a) The past definite has the form -tan. 
ya win tan, he took. 108-18. 
yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 
yetcuwintan, he put in. 96-13. 
yon tan, he kept. 96-8. 

Lei tan, were shut (his eyes). 337-8. 

nanawintan, he took down. 97-16. 

no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

nonin tan, he put. 210-16. 

no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 

xa win tan, he drew from. 211-3. 

xo wa in tan, he gave him. 211-1. 

xowayaintan, they gave him. 144-14. 

xo lan de du win tan, he has put in the fire. 150-6. 

da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 

da sit tan, it was sitting there. 246-10. 

de du win tan, he put them in. 150-4. 

dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14. 

tana is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. 

ta tee nin tan, he took it out of. 107-6. 

teteuwintan, he put in the water. 101-14. 

tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 

tee nin tan, he pulled out. 329-10. 

teo nan tan, he held it. 314-9. 

tcoxontan, he held her. 153-3. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 263 

b) The present definite has the form -tun. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. 

me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. 

sit tun, it was sitting. 337-4. 

siL tun fl x, it lay. 266-8. 

da sit tun, it sits. 246-9. 

de duty tun, let me put them in the fire. 150-4. 

do de du wit tun, why don’t you cook. 171-3. 

tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. 

c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im¬ 
perative have the form -tu w. 

ya nauio tu w, I will pick up. 286-9. 
wai in tuw, he always gave. 136-12. 
h?£uwuntuw, hand me. 278-7. 
da e itho tutc, I put. 247-7. 

do de dit tu w, one must never put in the fire. 150-2. 
djenawintutt?, he opened it. 109-2. 

-tan, -tun, -tu w ; to split. 

djewintan, it spread open. 289-14. 
djenawiLtuw;, he opened it. 109-2. 
kiLtuictse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. 
kymo tme, I am splitting. 108-9. 

-tan, -tun; to eat (used only of the third person singular). 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tan. 

yaitan, he ate. 109-18. 

yltan, they eat. 351-7. 

he tcit tan, even he ate. 346-5. 

do xo lin yl tan, she shall not eat. 253-6. 

tcit tan, he ate. 106-5. 

tcit tan hwun te, he shall eat. 107-8. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tun. 

tcit tun neen, he used to eat. 346-11. 

-tan (?), -tun; the exact meaning is unknown, 
na xo win tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. 
naxoLtun, let it get soft. 233-6. 


264 


University of California Publications. [A-* 4 - Arch. Eth. 


-te, to look for, to search after. 

xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4. 

xaute te, let me look for it. 104-16. 

xa un te, it can be seen. 119-4. 

xaneitte, she looked for it. 306-13. 

xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 

xanuwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. 

xante, look for it. 243-3. 

-te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and 
animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root 
-ten, -tin, -tmc given below. 

me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. 
naiLte°x, she carried it. 290-6. 
naiste, he carried it around. 282-4. 

Compare, daeiLte, they were on a stick. 186-11. 
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 

-te, to remain in a recumbent position. Compare, -ten, -tin, 
-tu w ; to assume such a position. 

tceitte, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7. 
tcinnote, he might lie. 169-4. 

-ten, -tin, -ttHo; to move or to carry in any way a person, 
animal or animal product. This is another of the classifying 
roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character. 
For a plural object -lai, -la, -luw is employed. 

a) The past definite has the form -ten. 

a dit ta tcu wiL ten, he put him in his sack. 221-6. 

yawintennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

ya xol ten, he has taken him. 151-4. 

yanawiLten, she put it in. 136-5. 

ye tcu wiL ten, she put it in. 289-17. 

yo tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. 

yinne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. 

Le na niL ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. 

na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. 

na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. 

na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 265 

no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7. 

no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. 

no na xon niL ten, he laid her. 342-10. 

hiflin nu wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7. 

xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. 

xaisten, she brought up. 99-2. 

xanawiLten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xoi kya niL ten, he took it from him. 222-7. 

da na xol ten, he put him. 108-1. 

da siL ten, lying on something. 186-4. 

da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. 

da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. 

ta na is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17. 

tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. 

tee niL ten, he took out. 282-2. 

tee xo niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. 

tee xo ten ten, he took him along. 210-15. 

tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. 

tcu win ten, he put him. 152-9. 

tewin dai wiL ten, he spoiled. 221-13. 

ke wu ted xol ten, somebody hid. 181-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -tin. 

ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 

yin ne tcu wiL tin, in the ground they have put. 221-3. 

no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. 

no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9. 

do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 

tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7. 

tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7. 

c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and 
present definite have the form -tuw. 

yau w tuw, let me pick it up. 286-11. % 

yo 5 l two, put in. 362-6. 

no na xol tuw, he had her laid. 342-8. 

xa na xo iL tme, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 

ta name tu hwih te, I will take out. 26718. 

kyu wa na iL tu w, he who gives back. 241-4. 

Compare, tcu wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3.18. 


266 


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-ten, -tin, -tui£, -te; to lie down. It seems possible that this 
root is connected with the preceding. The first, however, char¬ 
acterizes transitive verbs and has the sign of verbs of the second 
class while the verbs given below are intransitive. 

a) The past definite has the form -ten. 

xol tcin nes ten, with her he lay. 223-13. 

sit ten, she was lying. 145-8. 

da sit ten, (dog) was lying. 114-16. 

do he kiL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7. 

tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5. 

b) The present definite has the form -tin. 
sit tin, she lying. 117-2. 

sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. 
sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11. 

kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 

104-7. 

c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential and the 
second person of the imperative have the form -tutc. 

na nu win tu hwin ne, you must lie. 343-12. 
tcin ne tutc din, she goes to bed time. 334-1. 

d) The first and third persons of the imperative have the 
form -te. 

xoLnemcte, let me lie with her. 223-12. 
tcin note, he might lie. 169-4. 

-tetc, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub¬ 
ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten,-tin,-tmc 
and -te. 

ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7. 

win tetc, they lay there. 322-4. 

me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4. 

me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8. 

ne it tetc, they always lay. 333-12. 

sit tetc fl x, they lay there. 322-6. 

tsis tetc, they were lying. 190-6. 

-tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in¬ 
terest since it is an added case of a monosyllabic noun’s being 
used as a root. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


267 


kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. 
kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12. 

-tik; exact meaning unknown. 

tee nin tik, he pinched out. 143-14. 

-to, referring to the movement or position of water, 
no it to, the water comes. 310-7. 
no to Q x, water staid. 324-3. 

-ton, -ton ;* to jump. 

ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. 

yal ton ei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. 

ye e il ton x5 lan, birds used to jump in. 117-17. 

ye na wil de ton, in she jumped. 135-11. 

na du wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14. 

da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. 

datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14. 

tcetcilton, he jumped out. 163-16. 

-tot, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to, 
referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare 
-tsdts, to kiss. 

tcittetot, he drank. 112-15. 

-tu, to beg. 

kyun xo w tu, I am begging. 152-13. 

-tu, -te, -tel; to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root 
which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see 
-au, -a. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tu. 

me na kyu win tu, they sang again. 238-15. 
me kyu wiL tu, he sang. 234-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the 
suffix denoting progression -1, -l. 

me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1. 
me kyu win tel, someone singing. 235-4. 

1 There is a glottal stop between the vowel and the nasals which are 
surds. 



268 


University of California Publications. [Am. Akch. Em. 


-tuk, to count. 

min tcoL tuk te, he will count. 259-18. 

-fau, to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

naixoiiLfau, it flew around her. 333-8. 
na win tan, it will settle down. 273-7. 

-fan, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are 
wax-like. 

me it fan, he stuck to (wax). 202-3. 
me win fan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 
ke win fan, he put on (pitch). 150-12. 

-fats, -fus; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 

a) The definite present and past have the form -tuts. 
yai kyu wil fats, a blanket of strips. 207-5. 

min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 
278-5. 

min no kyu wit dit fats te, we are going to cut open. 
102-15. 

no na wit fats, it is cut down. 144-17. 
kit te fats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. 

b) The tenses other than the definite present and past have 
the form -fus. 

-fe, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature: to 
be, to exist. 

a in fe, how he appeared. 209-5. 

ainfe, (smart) he is. 141-4. 

a na nu we sin fe te, you will look that way. 357-5. 

ana kin nit fe, it grows. 356-10. 

a ne e fe, he looked that way. 321-7. 

anuwesfe, he looked (that way). 143-14. 

a tcin fe dete, he must be then. 363-17. 

un fe, there is. 209-15. 

un fe ye, how it looked. 209-6. 

unfeneen, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18. 

xa a na kin nit fe, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xax a na nu wis f e te, it will be lighter (in weight). 357-6. 

tin til teox un te, it looked very strong. 294-2. 

kin tis seox un fe, the smart one. 326-1. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


269 


-ten, -fin; to do, to perform an act. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -ten. 
a ya ten, they did. 305-5. 

a na dit ten, we did. 217-7. 

a ten, it did it. 120-9. 

a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. 

da xo a ten, who die. 346-4. 

do xa au w ten, I never do that. 109-4. 

do xo lin da xo a ten, they won’t die. 253-7. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -tin. 

au w fin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 
a ya tin, they do. 198-5. 
ayafinneen, they used to do that. 306-1. 
atinwesfe, (a basket) had done. 325-10. 
a tin te, he will do. 215-9. 

wun no xon niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. 

naautcfin, (what)am I doing? 163-4. 

xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14. 

xa atinwesfe, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xa a tin tei, that it will do. 235-1. 

do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. 

* 

-ten, to address with term of relationship or friendship. It 
is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first 
part, Lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean¬ 
ing might be then, to make one Lin, “a relative.” 

Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. 

Lin xo wil ten, he addressed her. 98-10. 
lu win ten, she addressed her. 181-9. 

-ten, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only 
with uf, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning 
“wife.” The remarks above connecting the last -given root with 
-ten, -tin, “to do,” applies here also, 
ut ten, he married. 210-11. 
ut fen tsis lin tcin, he married. 145-13. 


270 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-tik, to encircle, to tie with a string. 

min na na wil tik, a string tied around. 353-4. 
nakytiwiUik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10. 

-to, relating to mutual motions of one or the other of two 
objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with¬ 
drawn from it. 

yaadiL to, he put on (as a shirt is put on). 328-12 
yenaxowilfi), he was dressed in. 328-8. 
yetcuwiLtd, he slipped them one into the other 329-1. 
me tee ya niL £5, they skinned him (as a rabbit is 
skinned). 328-5. 

tee iL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. 

-tsai, to be or to make dry. 
ol tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. 
na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. 
na xo win tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12. 
xo win tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. 
xo win tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16. 

-tsan, -tsun; to find, to see. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -tsan. 
a d5 iuw tsan, I didn’t find it. 243-16. 
iuwtsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6. 
ya xol tsan, they saw him. 101-16. 
yo xol tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4. 
na iL tsan, he found signs. 185-11. 
nai x5l tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 
na ya xol tsan, he found them. 267-15. 
nahwoLtsan, you see me. 230-5. 
na x5 wes tsan, he was found. 230-3. 
xotv tsan, I saw him. 351-9. 
doyaiLtsan, they did not see. 98-7. 
do ya xol tsan, he did not see. 238-14. 
do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9. 
donaiLtsan, she did not find again. 243-16. 
do na ya xol tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. 
do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


271 


do he tciL tsan, he didn’t find her. 340-8. 
do teiL tsan, she could not find. 159-4. 
tcin tsan, she gave birth. 189-7. 
tcin tsan nei, she saw. 242-4. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -tsun. 
iuwtsun, (I wish) I could see. 336-9. 
iuwtsunte, (where) am I going to find. 244-7. 
yiL tsun te, she will see. 103-15. 

do iL tsun te xo lun, you can’t find it anywhere. 246-6. 

do na in tsun de, they won’t find again. 321-10. 

d6 na h«?u wes tsun h«mn, I must not be seen again. 

217-18. 

do na xol tsun °x xo lin, you won’t see him any more. 

306-6. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. 
kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. 
kit te sen tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. 

-tsat, -tsa; to sit down. 

a) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat. 

b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa. 
danintsa, sit. 107-12. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. 
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10. 
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2. 
natetseyei, he opened the door. 97-10. 
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 
n6 nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2. 
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. 
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

-tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject), 
ya del se ei, they lived. 145-13. 
ya deL tse, they were living. 135-1. 
yin ne tcin deL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2. 
na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. 


272 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. 
nadeLtse, they are living. 217-8. 
de sol tse te, you will stay. 152-10. 
des dil tsen, we better wait. 265-5. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is 
possible that this root is connected with the noun tse, * ‘ a stone, ’ ’ 
since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones. 

a) The definite present and past tenses have the form -tseL. 
djewiLtseL, he pounded it. 108-11. 

tcit du wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. 
kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. 

Compare ya na kyu wiL tsil liL te, 1 they may split. 109-8. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the 
form -tsiL. 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

naLtsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12. 
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. 

-tsis, to see, to find, to know. 

yo naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6. 
xdic tsis, I saw him. 353-3. 
do yiL tsis, one never sees. 141-9. 
do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. 
do xo lin tciL tsis, he will not see. 317-13. 
do xo lin naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11. 
do tciL tsis, he never found. 336-7. 
do tco xol tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8. 

-tsit, to pound, as in a mortar. 

ya kyu win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4. 
na kyu win tsit, she pounded again. 185-4. 
do nit dje tel tsit ne, don’t get excited (not your heart 
pound). 170-18. 

tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8. 

tcu win tsit, he pounded. 319-8. 

kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1. 


1 The form -tsil is no doubt due to the suffix. 



Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


273 


-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula, 
o w tsil Hl te, I will know. 272-7. 
oLtsit, you know (my formula). 296-13. 
yd nan tsit te, who will know. 296-7. 
do na ya xol tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. 
ted in tsit, she found out. 334-5. 
tcoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14. 
tcoL tsit, he knew it. 340-6. 
tco nan tsit, she knew. 191-15. 
tco nan tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. 
tco naL tsit te, who shall know. 279-2. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

na il tsit, it falls. 275-3. 

nail tsit te, (birds) would drop down. 104-11. 
nal tsit, it fell. 306-16. 
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4. 
na xo wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15. 
tewiltsit, (canoe) sank. 153-17. 

Compare, til tsit fl x, it will always be in her hands. 

325-13. 

-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. 

kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. 

kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. 

kit tan tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

xol tee niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1. 
tee nin tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. 

-tsit, to wait, to delay an act. 

don ka tsit, hold on. 329-14, 222-6. 

-tsots (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one’s 
lips. This root is probably onomatopoetie. Kissing was not 
practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by 
adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky, 
yl kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. 
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 
kyo du win tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 


274 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-tsu, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tsu. 

na is tsu, he rolled about. 119-4. 

do he kit tcin no na in di tsu, he could not roll over. 121-8. 

b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse. 
natse, rolling around. 157-4,289-1. 

na tse din, (where) he rolled. 119-5. 

-teat, -tea; to be sick, to become ill. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -teat. 

du win teat, it got sick. 241-9. 

xoideai du win teat, his head ached. 175-15. 

tcit du win teat, she was sick. 286-7. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tea. 

duwintcate, (babies) will get sick. 242-15. 
tcit du win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7. 

-tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind), 
ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. 
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8. 
xa kyu witc tee liL te, from the ground the wind will blow 
out. 272-10. 

xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. 

xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. 

xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3. 

xot da kyu wes tee, it blows. 227-7. 

da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 

da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 

da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. 

da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 

do xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6. 

ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 

ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. 

te kyu wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9. 

tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. 

kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


275 


-tcit, to die. 

iu w tcit te, I will die. 346-13. 

do he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1. 

tcit dei, it died. 266-8. 

tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6. 

tcit te tcit, he was almost dead. 111-16. 

tcit tcit xo lan, he died. 347-3. 

tcit tcit dei, he died. 164-4. 

do imo tcuw Inmin, I won’t die. 346-13. 

-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. 

wun do win tcut, he took (hark from a tree). 96-12. 

-tcwai, -tcwa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as 
the soil; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the 
roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of 
objects. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tcwai. 

ya xo win tcwai, they buried him. 172-4. 
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 
tcit te tcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tcwa. 

wit tcwa, (salmon)buried. 192-17. 
wit tcwa ta, they are buried places. 180-11. 
xa na ya wit tcwai, they dug up along. 181-7. 
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, he threw at her (a handful of 
twigs). 333-3. 

-tcwan, -tcwun; referring to the eating of a meal in company. 

a) The past definite tense has the form -tcwan. 
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. 

na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. 
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwun. 
na de il tcwun din, Tule ranch (where they always take 

the meal). 328-10. 

nadil tcwun, (he heard) eating. 176-9. 


276 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-tewen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (transitive) to make, to arrange, to 
cause. 

a) The past definite has the form -tewen. 

a na dis tewen, he made himself. 101-14. 

a dis tewen, he made himself. 102-6. 

ya is tewen, they made up (loads). 171-17. 

ya wiL ditc tewen, they had made. 138-7. 

ya na tuk kai tcis tewen, he made come between. 144-2. 

ya kiL tsis tcis tewen, he made it sprinkle. 338-2. 

wil tewen, it was made of. 164-13, 203-11, 221-10. 

wun un lo tcis tewen, about it he laughed. 151-15. 

na is tewen, he made. 110-12. 

na is tewen, hb placed it. 314-7. 

naya is tewen, they made. 284-1. 

na seL tewen, I made. 296-2. 

dd he tewite teis tewen, she did not make wood. 157-5. 

tcis tewen, he made. 336-8. 

tcis tewen, he begot. 360-6. 

tcoxostewen, he made (him). 114-8. 

kit tlyoio tcis tewen, she made it to flow. 158-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -tcwin. 

a da yis tcwin te, he makes for himself. 338-6. 
a dis tcwin te, he might make. 363-5. 
na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. 
na seL tcwin, I make. 302-11. 
na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. 
noi na seL tcwin te, I will bury it. 282-6. 
seL tcwin, I will make. 290-8. 
seL tcwin te, I will make it. 152-3. 
do nais tcwin, nobody could make. 322-8. 
do tcis tcwin Indin, he must not do. 116-15. 
tcis tcwin te, she was going to make. 306-13. 
tcis tcwin te, he was going to cause. 98-1. 

c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im¬ 
perative have the form -tcwe. 

e iuw tcwe, I make. 241-2. 
rate tcwe, let me make. 278-7. 


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iLtcwe, make it. 278-8. 

yin neL in ya xoi iL tcwe, they made them to see. 180-1. 

nai xoi iLtcweei, they make him. 196-6. 

nau»? tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 

na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 

hwriL tcwe, make me. 114-3. 

tciLtcwe, someone making. 102-13. 

kin nuw xo iuic tcwe, I notify him. 241-3. 

d) Having a progressive suffix. 

xo wiLtcweLte, who fixes the place. 229-13. 

ted xo wiLtcwel liLte, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. 

-tewen, -tewin, -tcwe; (intransitive) to grow, to become. 

a) The past definite has the form -tewen. 
atiltedxteLtcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. 
yateL tewen, they grew. 265-1. 

i.e nul ditc tewen ne xo luh, it had grown together. 113-8. 

na is tewen nei, that grew. 287-7. 

na tei. ditc tewen, he grew. 96-1. 

xoLxas tewen nei, it grew up. 137-18. 

xoLteL tewen, it grew with him. 137-18. 

do he teL tewen, it had not grown. 96-7. 

te il tewen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2. 

teL tewen, it grew. 96-3. 

teL tewen xo lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 

te sil tewen ne dun, ever since you grew time. 337-13. 

til tewen, (which) grows. 296-12. 

tol tewen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tewin is 
regular in this place.) 

teit teL tewen, one after the other grew. 207-1. 

b) The present definite has the form -tewin. 

Le nal ditc tewin xo lan din, it had grown together place. 
' 281-15. 

na teL ditc tewin xo luh, it had grown. 119-10. 
xal tewin xo lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. 
teL tewin xo luh, it had grown. 306-17. 
teL tewin te, when it grows. 267-5. 


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tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. 
til tcwin ne en, it used to grow. 233-1. 
tee na il tcwin hit, when he came to life again. 347-4. 
tcit teu tcwin hitmn, he may grow. 348-6. 

Compare, wuw; tcwiL dun, when I was growing. 180-7. 

-tewen, -tcwin; to smell, to stink, to defecate. 

a) The past definite has the form -tewen. 
axdwiLtcwen, it smells. 301-10. 

tcu win tewen, he defecated. 110-6. 

b) The present definite and indefinite have the form -tcwin. 
an tcwin, you smell. 165-4. 

a x6 wiL tcwin, it smells. 301-12. 

a xo win tcwin te, it will smell. 302-9. 

missaniLtcwin, buzzard (its mouth stinks). 112-17. 

Compare, yaixostcwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3. 

-tewen, -tcwin; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 

a) The past definite has the form -tewen. 
me du win tewen, he wanted. 110-16. 

me du win tewen, he wanted to have intercourse. 280-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwin. 
me duw tcwin, I want. 254-12. 

do me du w tcwin, I do not want. 97-8, 253-5. 
tse me de tcwin, I feel hungry for. 97-7. 

-tcwil; exact meaning unknown. 

me na tcwil liu te, it will settle. 117-11. 

-tewit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to 
shoot, to rub one’s self in bathing, to bring water. 

aL me na niL tewit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. 
a du wa nun du witc tcwil liL te, she will rub herself 
312-3. 

a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. 
a du wun do tewit te, bathe yourself. 322-11. 
a du wun du win tewit, he rubbed himself. 319-9. 
iL kai niL tewit, he pressed down on it. 143-2. 


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on tcwit, take it. 191-13. 

yit ditc tcwit, to shoot. 136-9. 

me na niL tcwit, he pushed it hack. 163-1. 

me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2. 

me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13. 

miL tcwit, push it. 105-18. 

na de tcwit te, I will leave it. 277-1. 

na du win tcwit, he let go. 106-17,272-18. 

na du win tcwit, it was shot. 246-1. 

niL kai niL tcwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. 

nu. wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6. 

h«?u wa men tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. 

hicu wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7. 

xo wa me neL tcwit te, I would loan him. 356-17. 

xon tcwit, it caught him. 346-10. 

do ma a din iL tcwit, she did not move. 341-1. 

do kiL tcwit, one never pushes it. 106-12. 

te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. 

to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. 

to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2. 

t6 on tcwit, water to bring. 110-16. 

tcit du win tcwit te, he will shoot. 151-16. 

tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. 

tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. 

tcon tcwit, she took it. 181-14. 

ke niL tcwit, he lifted it up. 163-1. 

kiL tcwit, push it. 162-14. 

kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6. 

kyuw tcwit, let me push it. 106-11. 

-tcwo ig, to sweep. 

na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brushed him together. 196-3. 
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. 

-tcwok, exact form and meaning unknown. 

kyu wit tcwok kei, they are strung on a line. 165-8. 

-tcwuic, to smell of. 

yai xos tcwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3. 


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-tcwu. tewe: to cry, to weep. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tcwu. 

ya win tcwu. they cried. 169-12. 
ya te it tcwu. they cried along. 179-12. 
win tcwu. yon have cried. 337-14. 
dd wit tcwu we he. don't cry. 169-13. 
tee itc tewiL he always cried. 336-4. 
teit te it tcwu. he always cried. 186-8. 
ten win tcwu. he cried. 150-7. 336-8. 
kya teL tcwu. it cried. 342-10. 
kya teL tcwu we tsu. it cry he heard. 204-9. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tewe. 

tcit tewe a x. he cried. 150-7. 

kya teL tewe. she heard) it cry. 135-9. 

kya tu wil tcwel. crying along. 135-10. 

-git, to be afraid of. to be frightened at. 

ye nes git, it frightened (they were afraid of it). 215-4. 

ye nes git te. it will be afraid. 236-2. 

ye nu wil gil lil. it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. 

yin nel git. he was afraid. 114-16. 

me nes git te. it will be afraid. 296-5. 

ml nes git. it was afraid. 295-4. 

mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. 

ne iuir git tse. I feel afraid. 176-5. 

dd nil git he ne. don't be afraid. 170-15. 

soi nes git, he was afraid. 113-11. 

tein nel git she was afraid of. 192-2. 

-git. to travel in company, as a flock of birds, or a company 
of warriors. 

na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. 
na ne it git. they came back. 299-12. 
tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. 

-kai. -ka: to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 
a) The customary and impotential have the form -kai 
in na iuir duk kai. I always get up. 241-1. 


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281 


b) The past and present definite, present indefinite and im¬ 
perative have the form -ka. 

in na is duk ka, she got up. 110-14. 
in nas duk ka ei, it got up. 114-16. 
in nas duk ka hit, when he got up. 115-8. 
do he in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15. 
Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one 
leg each side. 163-7. 

-kan, -kun; to put on edge, to lean up. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -kan. 

a na dit dH wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. 
Compare, duk kan, a ridge, and wilkanei, a fire is burn¬ 
ing. 151-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -kun. 

wujc kun liL te, I will lean up. 272-9. 
duwinkunte, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13. 
-kas, to throw. 

ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. 

ye tee in kas, he threw. 288-7. 

wes kas, 1 it lay. 96-4. 

no niL kas, he threw. 185-8. 

hiflo in kas, throw me. 153-10. 

xot da in kas, he threw down. 138-8. 

de de in kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. 

d6 na sil kas, 1 nothing left. 192-16. 

-kait, -kai; to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a 
straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -kait. 

ya niL kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15. 
ya ten kait, they went on. 159-14. 
ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1. 

1 These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is ‘ ‘ that which 
has been thrown or dropped. ’ ’ 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3,19. 



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ye na win kait, she landed. 135-12. 

ye tcit ten kait, one after the other he stuck (his head) 
in. 322-2. 

Lin duk kait de, they slid together. 295-2. 

no nin kait, he put it. 108-19. 

do wun no in kait, he did not shoot. 144-13. 

ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1. 

te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. 

tee na niL kait, he poked out. 174-9. 

tee nin kait, he put out (his head). 153-9. 

tcin duk kait dei, they came down (by water). 158-16. 

tcit ten kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -kai. 

ye wit kai te, a boat will come. 209-3. 

wun nbL kai, shoot. 144-14. 

wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. 

-kait, -kai; to starve, to fall here and there from weakness, 
note duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. 
no te duk kai ten, they were about to starve. 191-18. 

-kel; to hold in a horizontal position, 
daeiuwkel, I held under. 337-14. 

-ket; to creak (probably onomatopoetie). 
kyuwinket, it creaked. 114-17. 140-3. 

-kil, -kiL; to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank, 
yanaiskil, he split it. 142-3. 
min no kin kil, he opened it. 113-5. 
non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 
do hwiL djen kil, with me it won’t split. 108-9. 
djewinkil, he tore away. 176-9. 
tcuwiLkil, he split with his hands. 210-1. 
kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. 
kit du win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. 

-kis, to put one’s hand on, to stab, to spear. 

a di ye no na kin nin kis, under himself he put his hand. 
221-4. 


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283 


xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. 
dakiLkis, he put his hand. 140-3. 
na nin kis, he cut him. 164-1. 

ky5n kis xo sin xo lan, spearing salmon had been he saw. 

140-11. 

-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away, 
a de in kit, he took with himself. 270-7. 
a de xol kit, she caught against herself. 223-14. 
a din kit, take it with you. 356-16. 
a duw kit, to myself I held. 353-6. 
yainkimmin, to catch. 101-17. 
ya iL kit te, they were going to catch it. 102-2. 
na in kit dei, he caught it. 152-6. 
xol tciL kit, with him he caught it. 107-10. 
d5heyaiLkit, they did not catch. 102-3. 
tee x6l kit, he caught him. 143-9. 
tciL kit, he took hold. 106-16. 
teo xol kit, he caught him. 151-2. 
tcu hwiL kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), 
yei win kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13.. 
ye yu win kit de te, (smoke) will go there. 301-9. 
noi in kit, it spread out. 321-7. 
noi wiL kil liL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. 
nonainiLkit, it settled. 96-3. 
noi niL kit, smoke hangs. 337-11. 
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. 
xol yai wiL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16. 
da nai wii. kil liL te, fog will stay. 273-2. 

-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 
makiLkit, she fed it. 192-1. 
ma kyuitf kit, I better feed them. 192-1. 
xwa iL kit, she gave him to eat. 110-14. 
xwa ya iL kit, they gave him. 110-5. 
xwa ya kiL kit, she fed them. 192-11. 

-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, 
yawinkutc, he threw. 143-15. 


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tee nin kutc, he threw out. 144-1. 

tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. 

kitteakute, they began to play. 142-16. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kit tuk kutc ei, shinny will be played. 210-14. 

-kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun 
kya, “dress.” 

menaiLkya. she wore for dress. 332-10. 

-kya, to perceive by any of the senses, 
unkya, he saw. 96-11,98-14. 
dd un kya, they did not see. 267-7. 

-kyas, to break, to cause to break. 

sik kyas sei, it broke. 210-17, 211-1, 144-15. 
tcis k(y)assei, he broke it. 143-3. 

-kyos, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible, 
as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows 
the character of the object. 

ya win kyos, he picked up. 293-6. 
no na in kyos, she put away. 333-7. 
nana win kyos, he took it down. 204-4. 
ndniLkyos, he put it. 208-10. 
siLkyos, it lies. 207-6. 

da tcit du wiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11. 
tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6. 
tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. 

-kyot, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in 
the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed, 
tsin teL kyot, he ran away. 

-qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular). 

de duk qal, this one walking along (the sun). 340-1, 343-9. 

tcuk qal, walking. 96-10. 

tcuk qal °x, he walked. 319-6. 

tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8. 

tcuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2. 

-qol, to crawl, to creep. 

nasqol, it crawled around. 294-1. 

xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2 


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285 


xonnatnaT, qol, around her it was creeping. 185-2. 

tee il qol e x6 lan, it had crawled out. 185-11. 

tcin nil qol ei, he had crawled. 347-9. 

tcit te il qdl le xo lan, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. 

tcitteLqol, he crawled. 347-8. 

-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

yaaqot, they always stuck them. 180-14. 
ya xos qot, they stuck them. 181-2. 
yaxoqot, they stick them. 180-12. 
na ya xos duk qot de, if we stuck them. 180-15. 
na kis q6t, he pushed a stick. 145-12. 
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. 
no ke ime qot, I always set up. 247-4. 

-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly, 
yaitqot, it always dodged. 286-11. 
ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. 
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. 
yat qot, it dodged. 286-10. 
ye wit qot, it fell. 136-3. 
na wit qot, he tumbled. 118-17. 
nas duk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4. 
na des de qot, it tumbled around. 222-9. 
natedeqot, it tumbled. 114-15. 
no na in diik qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 
nondeqotei, it stopped. 287-2. 
xa wit qot, he jumped. 329-13. 
da wit qot tsu, it tumbling she heard. 136-3. 
tewitqotte, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 

286-13. 

tedeqot, it tumbled. 286-12. 
tcin duk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12. 

-qotc, -qbw; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong. 
a) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present 
indefinite and imperative, have the form -q6tc. 

a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. 
a diL ya kiL q5tc hit, when he threw himself with it. 

202-7. 


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te weL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4. 
te kin qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. 

b) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present 
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qow?. 

a diL no ke iL qow, to he used to throw with himself. 

202-4. 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. 
xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8. 
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1. 

Variations of Roots in Form and Length. 

The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of 
form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of 
mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the 
mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when 
present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be 
considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place 
or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such 
as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu¬ 
tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different. 

Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses 
off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im¬ 
potential are different in the form of the root from the present 
indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential 
alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in 
the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest 
of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually 
longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger 
vowels, a instead of u and e instead of i. Diphthongization 
often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in 
t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present. 
A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not 
change in form and many of them do not change in length. 

Having Four Forms. 

-wen (-en), past definite; -win, pres. def.; -wum;, pres, indef., 
cust., impot.; -we, 3 imp.: to carry on the back. 


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287 


-wen (-en), past def.; -win (-in), pres. def.; -waw, pres, 
indef., oust., impot., 2 imp.; -we, 3 imp.: to move fire, to wave 
fire. 

-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tuw>, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., 2 imp.; -te, 1 and 3 imp.: to lie down. 

-len, past def.; -lin, pres. def.; -lu, cust., impot.; -le, pres, 
indef., imp.: to become, to be, to be transformed. 

-lau, past; -la, pres, def., sometimes pres, indef. and imp.; 
-lu, oust., impot.; -le, 1 sometimes pres, indef. and imp.: to do 
something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. 

Having Three Forms. 

a) Type, -an, -un, -amp. 

-an, past def.; -un, pres. def.; -au w, pres, indef., cust., impot., 
imp.: to transport round objects. 

-an, past def.; -un, pres. def.; -au w, pres, indef., cust., impot., 
imp.: to run, to jump (plural subject only). 

-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres. def. and indef., and 
imp.; -yamp, a few uncertain forms: to eat. 

-xan, past def.; -xun, pres. def.; -xamp, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or 
smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. 

-tan, past def.; -tun, pres. def.; -tutp, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to handle or move a long object. 

-tan, past def.; -tun, pres. def.; -tuiP, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to split. 

b) Type, -en, in, -u w. 

-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tuw, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to move or to carry in any way a person, animal 
or animal product. 

1 The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that 
two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or 
that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present 
indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual u and e pairs. 



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c) Type, -en, -in, -e. 

-wen, past def.; -win, pres. def.; -we, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to kill. 

-tcwen, past def.; -tcwin, pres. def.: -tewe, pres, indef., cust., 
impot., imp.: to make, to arrange, to cause. 

-tcwen, past def.; -tcwin, pres. def.; -tcwe, pres, indef., q^ust., 
impot., imp.: to grow, to become. 

d ) Type, -ai, -a, -a,nw (-mv). 

-yai, past def.; -ya, pres, def., 1 and 3 imp.; -yauw?, pres, 
indef., cust., impot., 2 imp.: to go, to come, to travel about. 

-lai, past def.; -la, pres. def.; -lute, pres, indef., cust., impot., 
imp.: to move or transfer a number of objects. 

-lai, past def.; -la, pres, def.; -luw, pres, indef., cust., impot.., 
imp.: to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand 
something to some one. 

-lai, past def.; -la, pres. def.; -luw, pres, indef., cust., impot., 
imp.: to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. 

-hioai, impot.; hira, pres., imp.; -hw&uw, pres., cust.: to walk, 
to go, to come. 

e) Type, -aL, -ul, -ul. 

-waL, past def., pres. def.; -wul, cust., impot.; -wul, pres, 
indef., imp.: to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

-taL, past def., pres. def.; -tul, cust., impot.; -tuL, pres, 
indef., imp.: to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. 

f) Type, -eL, -il, -iL. 

-weL, past def., pres. def.; -wil, cust., impot.; -wiL, pres, 
indef., imp.: relating to the passing of night. 

-meL, past def., pres. def.; -mil, cust., impot.; -miL, pres, 
indef., imp.: to strike, to throw, to drop. 

-deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot., past; -diL, pres, 
indef., imp.: to go, to come, to travel. 

-deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot.; -diL, pres, in¬ 
def., imp.: to strike. 


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289 


-tseL, past def., pres. def.; -tsil, oust., impot.; -tsiL, pres, 
indef., imp.: to pound as with a hammer or maul. 

g) Unclassified. 

-Lon, past, def., pres, def.; -Loi, impot.; -Lo (-Low), oust., 
pres, indef., imp.: to make baskets, to twine. 

-ne, 3rd per. of all tenses; -sen, 1st and 2nd persons past def., 
oust., impot.; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to think, to know. 

-hwe, any tense without suffix; -hwil, past def., cust., impot. 
with progressive suffix; -hwin, pres, def., pres, indef., imp. 
with the progressive suffix: to call by name, to name. 

-xa, any tense without suffix; -xal, past def. with progressive 
suffix; -xan, pres, def., past def. with progressive suffix: to dawn. 

-xa, when of conjugation 1; -xan, past def., cust., impot. 
(when of conjugation 3) ; -xufi, pres, def., pres, indef., imp. 
(when of conjugation 3) ; to stand (said of tree). 

-dal, past; -daL, pres.; -dauw, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass 
along, to go, to come. 

Having Two Forms. 

a) Type, -an, -un. 

-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.; to live, to pass through life. 

-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres, indef., pres, def., 
imp.; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. 

-wan (nan), past def., cust., impot.; -wun (nun), pres, def., 
pres, indef., imp.: to sleep. 

-Ian, past def., cust., impot.; -lun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist. 

-Ian, past def., cust., impot.; -lun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to be born. 

-nan, past def., cust., impot.; -nun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.; to drink. 

-nan, past def., cust., impot.; -nun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.; to turn, to move. 


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-xan, past def., cnst., impot.; -xun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. 

-tan, 3 sing, of past def., cust., impot.; -tun, 3 sing, of pres, 
def., pres, indef., imp.: to eat. 

-tan, past def., cust., impot. (?) ; -tun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: exact meaning unknown. 

-tan, past def., cust., impot.; -tun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance. 

-tsan, past, cust., impot.; -tsun, pres. imp.: to find, to see. 
-tcwan, past def., cust., impot.; -tewun, pres, def., pres, indef.; 
imp.: relating to the eating of a meal in company. 

-kan, past def., cust., impot.; -kun, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to put on edge, to lean up. 

b) Type, -en, -in. 

-en, past def., cust., impot.; -in, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to look. 

-en, past, cust., impot., fut. (?) ; -in, pres., imp.: to do, to act, 
to deport one’s self. 

-yen, past def., cust., impot.; -yin, pres, def., pres indef., imp.: 
to stand on one’s feet. 

-len, past def., cust., impot.; -lin, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to flow, to run; said of any liquid. 

-men, past def., cust., impot.; -min, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to fill up, to make full. 

hwen, past, def., cust., impot.; hwfin, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to melt. 

-sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust., impot.; -sin, 1st and 
2nd per. of pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: to think, to know. 

-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres, def., pres indef., 
imp.: to travel in company. 

-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to be light, to blaze. 

-ten, past, cust, impot.; tin, pres. imp.: to do, to perform an 
act. 


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291 


-tcwen, past def., cust., impot.; -tcwin, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to smell, to stink, to defecate. 

-tcwen, past def., cust., impot.; -tcwin, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 

c) Type, -ai, -a. 

-ai, past, impot.; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust.: 
to be in position. 

-yai, impot.; -ya, past def., cust., pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to move about, to undertake. 

-wai, 3 impot.; -wa, 3 pres, indef.: to go, to go about. 

-dai, impot., past def.; -da, past def., cust., pres, def., pres, 
indef., imp.: to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. 

-tcwai, past def., impot.; -tcwa, cust., pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to 
paw the ground. 

-kai, cust., imp.; -ka, past def., pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 

d) Type, -au, -a. 

-au, past def., cust., impot.; -a, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to sing. 

-yau, past, cust., impot.; -ya, pres. imp.: to do, to follow a line 
of action, to be in a condition or plight. 

-dau, past, cust., impot.; -da, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: to 
melt away, to disappear. 

4au, past def., cust., impot.; 4a, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

e) Type, -u, -e. 

-lu, past def., cust., impot.; -le, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to make an attack, to form a war party. 

-lu, past def., cust., impot.; -le, pres def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to dive, to swim under water. 


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-lu, past def., cust., irqpot.; -Le, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to handle or to do anything- with a semi-liquid, dough-like ma¬ 
terial. 

-nu, past, cust., impot.; -ne, pres. imp.: to do, to happen, to 
behave in a certain way. 

-xu, cust., impot.; -xe, past def., pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to track, to finish, to overtake. 

-dje u, past def., cust., impot.; -dje, pres. imp.: to fly in a 
flock, to beg. 

-tjji, past def., cust., impot.; -te, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to sing in a ceremony or dance. 

-tsu, past def., cust., impot.; -tse, pres, indef., imp.: to squirm, 
to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

-tcwu, past def., cust., impot.; -tcwe, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to cry, to weep. 

f) Type, -at, -a. 

-wat (-at), past def., cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres, def., pres, 
indef., imp.: to shake itself, said of a dog. 

-lat, past def., cust., impot.; -la, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to float. 

-Lat, past def., cust., impot.; -La, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to run, to jump. 

-xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to buy. 

-tsat, cust., impot.; -tsa, pres, indef., imp.: to sit down. 

-teat, past def., cust., impot.; -tea, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to be sick, to become ill. 

-kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to 
shoot. 

-kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to starve. 

-kyot, past def., cust., impot.; -kyo, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to flee, to run away. 


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293 


g) Type , -1, -l. 

-il, past def., cust., impot.; -iL, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to swim, to dive (plural only). 

-yol, past def., cust., impot.; -yoL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to blow with the breath. 

-wal, past def., cust., impot.; waL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to shake a stick, to dance. 

-lal, past def., cust., impot.; laL, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to dream, to sleep. 

-nel, past def., cust., impot.; -neL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to play. 

-nol, past def., cust., impot.; -noL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to blaze. 

-hwal, past def., cust., impot.; htt>aL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. 

-hwnl, past def., cust., impot.; hirin, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to call by name, to name. 

-xal, past def., cust., impot.; -xai., pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to dawn. 

-dil, past def., cust., impot.; -diL, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow'. 

-tsel, past def., cust., impot.; -tseL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to be or to become warm. 

-il, past def., cust., impot.; -iL, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to swim, to dive (plural only). 

-qol, past def., cust., impot.; -qoL, pres, def., pres, indef., 
imp.: to crawl, to creep. 

h) Unclassified. 

-aL, past def.; -ul, cust., impot., pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to slit open. 

-an, past def., cust,. impot.; -ul, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to chew. 


294 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-ate, past def., pres. def.; -auw?, pres, indef., cust., imp., 
impot.: to move in an undulating line. 

-mats, impot.; -mas, past def., pres, def., pres, indef., cust., 
imp.: to roll, to coil. 

-na, 3 imp.; -nauw, 3 cust., impot., pres, indef.; to go, or to 
come. 

-ne, past def., cust., impot.; -n, pres, def., pres, indef., imp.: 
to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an 
instrument. 

-neuw, except 1 sing. pres, and imp.; -ne, yeutc, 1 sing, pres, 
2 imp.: to talk, to speak. 

-noi (a noun), -no, past def. (?) : to place on end, to be in a 
vertical position. 

-xen, past def., pres. def. ( ?); -xnw, cust., impot., pres, indef., 
imp.: to float. 

-xuts, past def., pres. def.; -xus, cust., impot., pres, indef., 
imp.: to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 

-tats, past def., pres. def.; Jus, cust., impot., pres, indef., imp.: 
to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 

-qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qo w, cust., impot., pres, indef., 
imp.: to throw as a spear is thrown. 

-qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qo w, cust., impot., pres, indef., 
imp.: to lope or run like a wolf. 

Unvarying in form, but varying in length. 

-eL, to have position (plural only). 

-yeuw, to rest. 

-yeu w, to rub, to knead. 

-yets, to tie together, to entangle. 

-yo w, to flow, to scatter. 

-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. 

-was, to shave off, to whittle. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

-los, to drag, to pull along. 

-lu. w, to watch, to stand guard over. 


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295 


-medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling. 

-dai, to bloom, to blossom. 

-do, to dodge, to draw back. 

-tetc, to lie down (plural only). 

-tsai, to be dry, to make dry. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

-tcwoig (-tewog), to sweep. 

-tewok, exact meaning unknown. 

-kas, to throw. 

-kyas, to break. 

-kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible. 
Unvarying in form and length. 

-iuitf, to drop. 

-to shoot an arrow. 

-its, to wander about. 

-ut, to move anything flat and flexible. 

-ya, to stand on one’s feet (plural only). 

-ye, to dance. 

-yd, to like. 

-witc, to rock sidewise. 

-le, to feel with the hands. 

-lit, to burn. 

-litc, to urinate. 

-lik, to relate, to tell something. 

-lit, to cause to burn. 

-me, to swim. 

-men, to swim. 

-mut, to break out as a spring of water, to break open, 
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground. 

-h we, to dig. 

-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). 

-xut, to hang. 

-xut, to tear down. 

-sit, to wake. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. 

-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). 

-dik (4ik), to peck. 

-dik (4ik), to stand in line. 

-do, to cut, to slash. 

-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. 

-te, to look for. 

-te, to carry around. 

-te, to remain in a recumbent position. 

-tits, to use as a cane. 

-tik, exact meaning unknown. » 

-to, referring to the movement or position of water. 

-tot, to suck, to drink. 

-tu, to beg. 

-tut£, to split. 

-tuk, to count. 

-te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to 
be, to exist. 

-£ik, to tie with a string. 

-to, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of 
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. 

-tse, to stay, to live (plural only). 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

-tsis, to find. 

-tsit, to pound as in a mortar. 

-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

-tsit, to soak acorn meal. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

-tsit, to wait, to delay an act. 

-tee, to blow (said of the wind). 

-tcit, to die. 

-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. 

-tewit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one’s self, 
to bring water. 

-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. 

-git, to travel in company. 


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297 


-kis, to put one’s hand on, to stab, to spear. 

-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). 

-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 

-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny. 

-kya, to wear a dress. 

-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. 

Meaning of the Roots. 

In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes. 
First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the 
verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while 
the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which 
precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while 
not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be¬ 
longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third, 
most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly 
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl¬ 
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little 
access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of 
many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to 
the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to 
the third. 

Nouns as roots, expressing the means. 

-lai, -la, -luu'; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to 
hand something to some one. (While this root may not be 
morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the 
Hupa believe it to be so connected). 

-Lon, -Lo, -Low ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-making. 
(Probably from Lo, “grass,” one of the materials used in bas¬ 
ketry. ) 

-mit; to turn over, to place one’s self belly up or down. Com¬ 
pare, xo mit, her belly. 102-15. 

-htral, -hicaL; to fish for with a hook. 

Am. Aech. Eth. 3, 20. 


298 University of California Publications. C Am - Arch. Eth. 

-hive, -hwril, -hiciL; to call by name, to name. From xo hive, 
his name. 

-tits, to use as a cane. Compare, tits, cane. 150-9. 

-to, referring to the movement of water. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This 
root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the 
maul and pestles being of stone). 

-kya, to wear a dress. Compare, kya, dress. 333-8. 

Roots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc- 

-an, -un, -auw; to transport round objects. 

-ut, to move flat, flexible objects. 

-wen, -win, -wuiv, -we; to move fire, to wave fire. 

-lai, -la, -luw; to move or transfer a number of objects. 

-lei, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. 

-lu, -Le, (-Luk); to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid 
dough-like material. 

-xan, -xun, -xauto; to move in a basket or other vessel any 
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. 
-da, to carry or move a person or animal. 

-tan, -tun, -tuw; to handle or move a long object. 

-ten, -tin, -tuie; to move or carry in any way a person, animal, 
or animal product. 

-fan, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances. 

-tcwai, -tcwa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as 
the soil, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. 

-kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a 
skin or a piece of cloth. 

Roots indicating the nature of the act. 
a) Position or posture. 

-ai, -a; to have position. 

-eL, to have position. (Plural only). 

-ya, to stand on one’s feet. (Plural only). 

-yen, -yin; to stand on one’s feet. 

-noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. 

-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). 

-xa, -xan, -xun; to stand (said of a tree). 


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299 


-xut, to hang (said of a blanket). 

-dai, -da; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game, 
-dik, to stand in line. 

-te, to remain in a recumbent position. 

-ten, -tin, -tuw; to lie down. 

-tetc, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural 
only). 

-tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only). 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). 
b) Motion or locomotion. 

1) Over the surface of the ground. 

-an, -un, -amc; to run, to jump. (Plural only). 

-its, to wander about. 

-ate, to move in an undulating line. 

-yai, -ya, -yau w ; to go, to come, to travel about. 

-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only). 
-Lat, -La; to run, to jump. 

-na, to move. 

-na, -naujp; to go, to come. (Third person singular only), 
-nan, -nun; to turn, to move. 

-hwai, -hwa, -hicauto; to walk, to go, to come. (First person 
singular only). 

-dal, -dan, -dauto; to pass along, to go, to come. 

-deL, -dil, -din; to go, to come, to travel. 

-den, -din; to travel in company. 

-do, to dodge, to draw back. 

-ton, -ton; to jump. 

-tsu, -tse; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

-git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors. 

-kai, -ka; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 

-qal, to walk. (Third person singular only). 

-qol, -qoL; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm. 

-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

2) On the surface of or under water. 

-lai, -la, -luw; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. 

-lat, -la; to float. 


300 


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-lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water. 

-me, to swim, to bathe. 

-men, to cause to swim. 

-xen, -xu.w ; to float. 

3) Through the air. 

-xuts, -xut; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw, 
-dje u, -dje; to fly in a flock. 

4au, to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

c) Acts performed specifically by the hands. 

-an, -ul ; to slit open. 

-its, to shoot an arrow. 

-yeu w, to rub, to knead. 

-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. 

-wal, -wan; to shake a dance stick, to dance. 

-waL, -wul, '-wul ; to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

-was, to shave off, to whittle. 

-lai, -la, -lmo; to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to 
hand something to some one. 

-le, to feel with the hands. 

-15s, to drag, to pull along. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

-mas, to roll, to rotate. 

-meL, -mil, -miL; to strike, to throw, to drop. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. 

-dits, to twist into rope or twine. 

-do, to cut, to slash. 

-tats, 4us; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 
4ik, to tie with a string. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. 

-tsit, to pound as in a mortar. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

-tout, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. 

-tcwit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to 
shoot, to rub one’s self in bathing. 


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301 


-tcwoig, to sweep. 

-kas, to throw. 

-kait, -kai; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe, 
-kan, -kun; to put an edge, to lean up. 

-kil, to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank. 

-kis, to put one’s hand on, to stab, to spear. 

-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away. 

-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 

-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny. 

-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

-qdte, -qo w ; to throw as a spear is thrown. 

d) Acts performed specifically by the feet. 

-ye, to dance. 

-taL, -tul, -tur.; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. 

e) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs. 

-au, -a; to sing. 

-en, -in; to look. 

-yan, -yun; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion, 
-yo, to like, to love, to be pleased with. 

-wautc, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only). 

-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. 

-lik, to relate, to tell something. 

-ne, -n; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, 
-neuir, -ne yemc ; to talk, to speak. 

-ne, -sen, -sin; to think, to know. 

-nutr, to hear. 

-xa, -xuh; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. 

-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. 

-te, to look for, to search after. 

-tu, -te; to sing in a ceremony or dance. 

-tuk, to count. 

-ten, to address with a term of relationship or friendship, 
-tsan, -tsun; to find, to see. 

-tsis, to find, to know. 

-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. 

-tcwen, -tcwin; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 


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-tcwuw, to smell of. 

-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. 

-kya, to perceive by any of the senses. 

f) Relating particularly to the body and its functions , 

-aL, -ul ; to chew. 

-yan, -yun, -yamc; to eat. 

-yan, -yun; to live, to pass through life. 

-yeuw, to rest. 

-yol, -yon; to blow with the breath. 

-wan (-nan), -wun (-nun) ; to sleep. 

-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. 

-Ian, -lun; to be born. 

-litc, to urinate. 

-nan, -nun; to drink. 

-xuts, to bite, to chew. 

-sit, to awake. 

-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. 

-tan, -tun; to eat. (Third person singular only). 

-tot, to drink. 

-teat, -tea; to be sick, to become ill. 

-tcit, to die. 

-tewen, -tewin; to defecate. 

-tewu, -tewe; to cry, to weep. 

-kait, -kai; to starve. 

g) Complex and general acts of human agency. 

-en, -in; to do, to act, to deport one’s self. 

-yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action. 

-wen, -win, -we; to kill. 

-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wmv, -we; to carry on the back. 

-wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. 

-lau, -la, -lu, -le; to do something, to arrange according to a 
plan or purpose. 

-Ian, -lun; to quit, to leave, to desist. 

-lu, -le; to make an attack, to form a war party. 

-Lit, to cause to burn. 

-men, -min; to fill up, to make full. 

-medj, to boil, to cook by boiling. 


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303 


-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by 
placing above boiling water. 

-nan, -nun; to turn, to move. 

-nel, to play. 

-nu, -ne; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. 

-h ice, to dig. 

-xa, -xaiL; to track. 

-xait, -xai; to buy. 

-xu, -xe; to finish, to overtake. 

-xut, -xul; to ask, to question. 

-tan, -tun, -tut©; to split. 

-te, to carry around. 

-tu, to beg. 

-fen, -fin; to do, to perform an act. 

-fen, to marry (said of the man only). 

-fo, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of 
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. 

-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. 

-tsit, to delay an act. 

-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; to make, to arrange, to cause. 

-kyas, to break, to cause to break. 

h) Acts confined to animals. 

-yot, to chase, to bark after. 

-wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog). 

-dik, to peck (said of a bird). 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

i) Happening by the agency of nature and the elements. 

-iut©, to drop, to fall. 

-yo w, to flow, to scatter. 

-weL, -wil, -wiL; the passing of the night. 

-len, -lin, -lu, -le; to become, to be transformed, to be. 

-len, -lin; to flow, to run (said of any liquid). 

-lit, to burn. 

-mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open. 

-noL, to blaze. 

-hwen, -hwin; to melt. 

-xa, -xal, -xan; to dawn. 


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-dai, to bloom, to blossom. 

-dau, -da; to melt, to disappear. 

-dil, -diL; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. 

-te, to have some particular form or appearance, or nature; 
to be, to exist. 

-tsai, to be, or to make dry. 

-tsel, -tseL; to be or to become warm. 

-tee, to blow (said of the wind). 

-tewen, -tewin, -tewe; to grow, to become. 

-ket, to creak. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), 
-kyas, to break. 

SUFFIXES. 

In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs 
brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syllable 
preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita¬ 
tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf¬ 
fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional 
in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and 
present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional 
in their nature since they can be added to any verb giving it a 
definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist¬ 
ence. 

Temporal. 

- G x or -x. This suffix is used with the forms of the present 
indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent 
through a limited and definitely stated length of time. 

yai wa autc win Q x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. 

wil weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8. 

me lute Q x, he watched it. 205-2. 

naiLte c x, she carried it. 290-6. 

na in its fl x, he ran around. 185-10. 

na ya tes in c x, she looked. 300-17. 

nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. 

nadiL°x, they will live. 255-8. 

nin sin diL Q x, they danced. 105-9. 

no to G x, water stayed. 324-3. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 305 

xa ai ya xol in °x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xaayaiLin°x, they did that. 105-10. 

siLtun Q x, it lay. 266-8. 

sit tetc °x, they lay there. 322-6. 

do ai nin sin fl x, you don’t think. 337-9. 

do he nas deL fl x, they could not walk about. 322-7. 

til tsit fl x, it will always be. 325-13. 

tsim ma xos sin fl x, it was quiet. 322-4. 

tee in diL fl x, outside the door. 169-9. 

tciL waL ^x, they danced. 238-10. 

tcitdilye fl x, they danced. 216-7. 

tcittcwe G x, he cried. 150-7. 

tcuk qal fl x, he walked. 319-6. 

keuL fl x, she chewed. 1 276-3. 

kinuL°x, you chew. 275-2. 

-win te. The suffixing of -win te to the forms of the present 
indefinite gives meaning to the verb but little different from 
that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is 
continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The 
customary may mean that the act has been done several times 
without regard to the regularity of the intervals. 

xa a fin win te, she always did that. 136-14. 
do kin nau dun win te, not yet, kin naL dun. 332-9. 
tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. 
tcin nin ya win te, he always came. 231-9. 
tcin nu wuw win te, she always brought. 157-2. 
kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

-wes te. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same 
individual with the meaning of -win te. 
a fin wes te, it had done. 325-10. 
xa a fin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

-neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It 
states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to 
cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended 
to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act 
or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now 
ceased. 


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aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. 
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 
auto fin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. 
un te ne en, used to be seen. 235-18. 
ya win a ne en din, he had been sitting place. 163-5. 
ya tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-10. 
wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. 
wunnawaneen, going after used to. 157-10. 
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11. 
min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut them 
open. 278-5. 

mux xun neu?r h ive ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. 
na ya nil luir ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. 
nalaneen, floating used to be. 243-12. 

(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head 
used to stand up). 340-12. 
na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. 
na din ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 
no auw ne en, the fire pit cover. 220-12. 
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. 
xol xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 
xo tcih sil la ne en, on her used to be. 153-4. 
sillaneen, used to be (on her). 153-4. 
sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. 
sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. 
sum: da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12. 
da wit dir ne en, they used to live. 259-4. 
do nin sin din te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 
tes tewin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. 
til tewin ne en, used to grow. 233-1. 
to on nu win tewit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. 
to on tewin ne en, water going after. 111-2. 
tsisdaneen, he used to stay. 271-5. 
tceweLneen, they were carrying. 110-9. 
tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. 
tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. 
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. 


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307 


tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. 

tcit tun neen, he used to eat. 346-11. 

tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. 

-te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre¬ 
dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse 
of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. 
It takes the place therefore of English auxiliaries, will and 
shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the 
definite present but changes a preceding -n to n. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root. 

ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. 

ai la te, they will catch. 253-10. 

aiLinte, they will do. 266-13. 

aikiumte, when it happens. 217-6. 

ai kyu wil lei liL te, they will do. 230-8. 

au win neu te, it will be. 105-12. 

amc la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 

auu;diyate, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5. 

a wil leu te, he will do. 253-12. 

a win ne liL te, it will be. 311-17. 

a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15. 

a name la te, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na httfiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

a xo la te, they will do. 306-12. 

a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10. 

a kyu wil lei liL te, it will do. 236-3. 

in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. 

islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. 

un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4. 

ya wi xauie hieiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. 

ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 

yeweyate, I will go. 246-4, 314-3. 

ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. 

yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 

ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. 


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yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. 

yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. 

yo du wit xul liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. 

yu win yun te, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. 

wa nun xo win ne httfiL te, they will talk about. 272-17. 

winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9. 

wun nai din xo sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 
104-11. 

wunnadinte, they will hunt. 311-14. 

Avun xai neutt? te, he will talk about. 260-12. 

wun xu win ne httfiL te, they will talk about. 

me win na hwnL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. 

me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. 

me luic te, I am going to watch. 292-9. 

me nai Inw te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. 

me nauw? luw; te, I will watch. 267-17. 

(xoikyun) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9. 
minndkiLdikte, he was going to pick. 113-3. 
mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 
muw luw? te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. 
mux xun nauir daL te, having gratified myself I will go 
back. 223-13. 

naiwiLxaLte, night will pass. 242-17. 

nai xe neutt? te, few will talk. 295-13. 

naisyate, he goes. 307-13. 

nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. 

nawillitte, it will be burned. 151-5. 

na wit dil lin te, we will visit. 177-2. 

nai (i)uw?te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. 

nai lupin te, it will melt away. 273-6. 

nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 

na na wit din te, the people will live again. 236-3. 

na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. 

nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. 

na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. 

nan ate, you will have. 357-7. 

na xo win tun te, it will be w T et. 273-6. 


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309 


na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9. 

naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. 

nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14. 

nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 

nasdillinte, that was to be. 283-6. 

na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. 

naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. 

na teuw in in te, I will look back from. 230-7. 

nateninte, you will look. 356-5. 

natesdiyate, I will go back. 117-14. 

nat le lin te, it will become. 312-4. 

na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

nein in te, I am going to see. 99-3. 

neyate, I am going. 348-15. 

ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. 

ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. 

niL xoi lik te, I will tell you. 351-11. 

niL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. 

niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. 

niLteseyate, I will go with you. 187-4. 

ninyate, it will reach. 151-15. 

nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away, 
nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

259-9. 

no wun nun xun neu w te, they will talk about us. 267-18. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2. 

no nin xun te, if he puts. 296-6. 

ndnun diyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 

nu win ate, it will be. 

nun diyate, it will come back. 307-9. 

Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 
Lena in diyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. 

Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. 


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University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. 

Lenente, (nenediLte), let us meet. 174-3. 

Le kinniL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 

151-10. 

Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. 

hwiL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. 

hwit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1. 

xaaiLinte, that will be done. 203-8. 

xa auw di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. 

xa a wil leu te, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. 

xaawinnente, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xaifinte, I will take one out. 135-5. 

xawaauwhttfinte, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 

xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 

xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10. 

xo yu win yfin te, if she eats them. 253-7. 

xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. 

xo wfit xo wes yfin te, I will watch her. 137-7. 

xonneLinte, I can look at him. 138-14. 

xol xfit tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 

x5l kut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. 

xo se sen win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. 

xfin ne yeutc te, I will talk. 217-11. 

safinte, it will be. 226-10. 

sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. 

sanandinte, they were going away. 116-5. 

seL wan te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. 

seseLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7. 

sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. 

sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. 

sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11. 

da na du win fin te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. 

da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. 

da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


311 


da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to 

it. 271-10. 

dakinyunte, to chew off. 151-9. 

dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11. 

de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

dedu wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

de ki dil litc te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5. 

do yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1. 

do mite djin te, it won’t mind. 315-9. 

do na wa te, he will not live. 257-11. 

do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. 

do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. 

do nin sin din te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 

do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 

do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. 

do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 

138-11. 

do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. 

do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 

du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. 

du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3. 

tarn/; din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 

ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 

ta nauw tu hwiL te, I will take out. 267 18. 

te wa ut te, in the water I will throw. 111-17. 

te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

teninte, you will look. 140-7. 

teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. 

te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 

tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7. 

tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. 

tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. 

tediyunte, he will live to old age. 227-7. 

tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. 

tu win na hwiL te, it will go. 229-13. 

281-3. 

tsislinte, it would become. 


312 


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tsisdate, he will stay. 211-7. 

tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. 

tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. 

tee nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9. 

teen ya httriL te, you will go. 356-8. 

tee xo win ne hwnL te, she shall talk. 289-12. 

tcinnesdate, she will sit. 290-14. 

tcis sen win te, he will kill. 311-16. 

tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. 

tcit du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9. 

tcit tan himin te, he shall eat. 107-8. 

tcit tesdeL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. 

tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3. 

tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7. 

tcohireiLte, they will call. 272-11. 

tc6 xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. 

teuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11. 

tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 

teu h«5o wiL xfil Hl te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

tcu htro lure iL te, they will call. 272-10. 

keiyunte, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

kin ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 

104-7. 

kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. 

kiL dje xa in nauw te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. 

kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 

kislete, they will catch many. 257-10. 

kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody’s mouth. 

kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 

kyu wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 

These words occur mostly in formulas, the reference being 
to the distant future. One Hupa informant said they were used 
of less certain future predictions. 

ye yu win kit de te, it will go there. 301-9. 
nai xol tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 
ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 


313 


xo wiL tsai ye te, it becomes shallow. 259-16. 
xol den ne e te, I will call him. 139-45. 
tsislinnete, he will become. 338-10. 
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. 
tcu hwon hire e te, they will call me. 272-12. 

-teL. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and 
the preceding seems to be that -teL is used of events in the 
nearer future. 

a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. 

me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3. 

me tsa xo sin teL xo lun, hard it will be it seems. 341-11. 

mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. 

na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. 

no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. 

xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. 

x6 lan a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. 

xo lun nu hieon teL, will it be good ? 295-9. 

xo lun xa a fin teL, that will do it. 235-1. 

xo lun teL, he will be the one. 209-12. 

xo neL in teL, I can’t look at him. 138-12. 

sil lin teL din, it is going to be place. 104-16. 

du. wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. 

tcin nin ya teL din, she was going place. 237-5. 

tcu win ynn teL de, would eat. 267-17. 

kit din hire teL din, he would dig out. 100-1. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

Temporal and Modal. 

-ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre¬ 
quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi¬ 
vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The 
younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any 
change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com¬ 
parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild 
emphasis,—that the act, which has several times been ineffectually 
attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some¬ 
thing which has been several times done is now done for the 
last time. 

Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 21. 


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a natcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

a di yau wei, it is coining. 104-14. 

yaislenei, they became. 110-1. 

yawintennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. 

yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. 

ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. 

ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2. 

ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9. 

yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. 

ya ke wuw hicei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 

yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9. 

ye tcfi win taL ei, they landed. 362-5. 

ye teu win ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. 

yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. 

yinne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. 

yis se teL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. 

yikismutei, - (a basket) broke. 289-15. 

yu wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. 

wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. 

wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7. 

wil din ei, it shook. 142-6. 

win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. 

wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 

Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. 
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16. 
me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. 
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 
menillayei, they landed. 216-13. 
min noi kin ne y5t dei, they barked. 321-4. 
min nd kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. 
mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. 
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. 
na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 
na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. 
na in di ya yei, he came back. 98-6. 


• 3 ] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Laiyuaye. 315 

na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166 13. 

na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. 

na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1. 

nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8. 

na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. 

nanaei, it hangs there. 295-3. 

na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. 

nanayaxon niLxaei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. 

naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 

nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 

na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. 

nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. 

nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

na tes dl ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. 

na kis yo to hieei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. 

xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. 

xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. 

xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. 

xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 

208-17. 

xowesennei, one could see. 120-5. 

xol me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 

x6l Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. 

xol da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 

xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 

sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. 

da yit de wuw hirei, he always carries it off. 162-7. 

da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. 

da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 

da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 

da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. 

do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 

ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 


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tana is waL fi, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 

tanxennei, (.°,anoe) went away. 222-9. 

te iL amc htrei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

teLatcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. 

tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15. 

tes deL oi, they flew away. 159-12. 

te ke i yauw him, they go in. 311-2. 

tuwinyayei, he got lost. 348-17. 

tsisdayei, he lives. 159-16. 

tee in nauii/wei, he used to go out. 136-14. 

tee min nin y6t dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 

tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1. 

tcin nin nauw; hwei, she comes. 101-6. 

tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5. 

tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. 

tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. 

tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. 

keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. 

kitteyannei, they fed about. 98-4. 

-il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous 
over time or space by adding -l, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il 
for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without 
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a syl¬ 
lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are 
several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added. 
Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the 
case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or 
all roots which have final 1 are secondary, having been formed by 
the addition of this suffix. 

Present. 

a) Following vowels without increasing the number of 
syllables. 

auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. 
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. 



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317 


a htciL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. 

a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. 

yaxowiLxain, going along they tracked him. 170-5. 

ya du win neL, they said. 361-8. 

nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. 

na tciL tsii, moving as he sat. 171-6. 

xa a wil len te, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xaawinneLte, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa a kyu wil len te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xo wiLtewente, who fixes the place. 229-11. 

x5l tcit du win nen, he kept saying. 141-12. 

danawillai., it was floating there. 325-3. 

tco win neL te, she will think about. 312-3. 

tcu wil leL te, he will become. 114-4. 

b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another 
syllable. 

awinnelinte, it will be. 311-17. 

a du wa nun du witc tcwil Hl te, she will rub herself. 

312-3. 

ow tsil Hl te, I will know. 272-7. 

ya wi xauu‘hwuLte, he will take it up. 295-17. 

yo du wit xul liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. 

wa nun xo win ne hM/iL te, they will talk about. 272-17. 

wun xu win ne htriL te, they will talk about. 

nawitxusiL, he is falling. 152-5. 

na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2. 

na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. 

na ne wit dil in iLte, we will look at. 216-18. 

nd win na hwiL te, he will go. 230-1. 

xa a win ne Hl te, that will be done. 229-10. 

xa kyu witc tee Hl te, from the ground the wind will blow 

da na kit du wit tee in te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 

dediiau(^) hirinde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 

d5 xb wil lei Hl te, it will be no more. 217-15. 

tai win nun in de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 

ta. nau to tu hiciL te, I will take out. 267 18. 

tee x6 win ne hiriL te, she shall talk. 289-12. 


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tcit tu win na hum, de, it will pass here. 272-8. 

tcohweiLte, they will call. 272-11. 

tco xo wiL towel Hl te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. 

teu hwo wiL xul liL te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

tcu hwo hwe in te, they will call. 272-10. 

Past. 

a) Following vowels without increasing the number of 
syllables. 

ya ke wel, they carrying loads along. 110-3. 
yu win xal, mornings. 260-6. 
wiuichwal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. 
me ya kyu win tel, he sang. 234-1. 
me kyu win tel, the singing. 235-4. 
min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2. 
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. 
nakyuwilwel, he kept them shut up. 97-11. 
noxoamrhwul, they kept arriving. 208-1. 
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 
da tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 
tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1. 
tcu win tel, he was bringing. 329-6. 
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 
kya tu wil tcwel, crying along. 135-10. 

b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another 
syllable. 

a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 

ye nu wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. 

yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. 

naiwitinil, she looked. 243-5. 

na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7. 

xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 

xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. 

xol yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. 

tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 

tcdLsillil, he knew it. 272-14. 

teu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 


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319 


tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. 
kyuwinyunil, you ate along. 121-1. 
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 
kyuhteunil, I ate along. 120-16. 

Modal. 

-min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in¬ 
dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of 
some act. 

ya in kim min, to catch. 101-17. 

ya x5 sin we min, they might kill him for. 278-5. 

na xo w lik min, to tell you. 226-6. 

tee in din min, for them to come out. 102-9. 

-ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to 
have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying the duty or moral 
necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of 
acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who 
directs that they be done. 

ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. 
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. 
a du wun din tewin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. 
il le ne, become. 109-6. 

6 le ne, become. 109-18. 
ol tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. 
ullene, do it. 176-7. 
ye in tun ne, you must step in. 209-2. 
ye o ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 

Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8. 
milloine, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. 
mis sun xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 
naniLne, they must live. 317-1. 
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 
natindlyane, go home. 337-18. 
nonamrne, you must put it down. 210-7. 
no na kin au «0 ne, you must leave. 353-10. 
non xauw ne, put it. 296-14. 
nundillene, you may become.' 108-3. 


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xaaxolene, he should do that. 163-2. 

do ne ne, let it play. 100-3. 

do nil git he ne, don’t be afraid. 170-15. 

do nit dje tel tsit ne, don’t get excited (not your heart 

djo kin ne, go ahead. 176-6. 

tin xauir ne, you take it along. 246-13. 

tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1. 

kyo din tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

-hirun. To express the intention of bringing about an act 
or state contrary to the wish of one’s self or others -hirun is 
suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. 

a hicii. tcit den hirun, he must tell me. 314-11. 
yu win yun Inrun te, he must eat. 233-2. 
do iuir tcinc Inrun, I won’t. die. 346-13. 
do na hiru wes tsun hirun, I must not be seen again, 
ddneya Inrun, I can’t stay. 348-10. 
do xol me tsa xd win sin hirun, he may have no trouble. 
319-14. 

do xo di yun hirun, there won’t be many. 308-6. 
do tcis tcwin hirun, he must not do. 116-15. 
tasya. Inrun, one ought to go away. 215-8. 
tcit tan hirun te, he shall eat. 107-8. 
tcit ten tcwin hirun, he may grow. 348-6. 
tco xon des ne hirun, he shall know. 319-13. 

-sil len. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occur¬ 
rence was imminent but did not result. 

ya wun xfits sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. 

Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. 
da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. 
do no nix. tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 
d5 tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. 
te witqottesil lennei, in the w T ater it seemed about to 
tumble. 286-13. 

tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 


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321 


-lie wan. The suffix -newan indicates that the act is done, 
but with difficulty. 

daduwes ate newan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 
271-10. 

do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 
138-11. 

-de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed, 
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. 
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. 
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 
adende, if he sings. 236-2. 

a dit tcin nd nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. 

a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. 

ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. 

ye teu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 

yonaLtsisde, who knows. 348-6. 

meti na h«?iL de, if their time comes. 229-9. 

na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. 

(xoideai) naduwinade, if they listen. 341-12. 

ninyade, if they come. 334-10. 

nit teu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7. 

xoi kyun tewin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. 

xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. 

xun ne yemc de, if I talk. 217-15. 

xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. 

do a htdL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. 

do na iL tsun de, they won’t find again. 321-10. 

tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 

ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. 

tu win na hwfiL de, if it comes. 105-12. 

teeilLade, he is running along. 220-13. 

tee hwfis su wiL weL de, if he kills me. 114-3. 

tcit den de, if he says. 111-7. 

tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. 

tcit tu win na hiriL de, it will pass here. 272-8. 

teo naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. 

teu win yun teL de, he would eat. 267-17. 


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-detc. This suffix, which occurs but a few times, seems to 
indicate a less probable and more general future condition. 

a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17. 
wa a in teL detc, they are going to build. 109-7. 
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. 
tcis seL win detc, if he kills. 139-5. 
kit tes seox a tcin te detc, smartest he is. 351-12. 
kit tis seox xbw a tcin te detc, smart he must be then. 
363-17. 

-min in ne. For the expression of the result of supposed con¬ 
ditions contrary to fact, -min in ne is employed. 

do da xo atfin min in ne, people would never die it would 
have been. 221-13. 

Since only the above example of this suffix occurs in “Hupa 
Texts, ’ ’ the following were obtained from an interpreter, 
sen tcwin min in ne, I ought to have made it. 
do xo lih tcin name min in ne, he should not go. 
tcis tcwin min in ne, he ought to have made it. 
te se ya min in ne, I ought to have gone, 
te se ya min in ne de de eh nan ya tea de. 

I would go but it rains too hard, 

te se ya min in ne do nan yai ne en de, 

I would have gone if it had not rained. 

Indicating the Source op the Information. 

Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the 
fact stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly 
observed or only inferred from evidences. 

-e. The vowel e, standing by itself or preceded by the con¬ 
sonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob¬ 
ject or act is within the view of the speaker. 

yakinwenne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 

ye nin dil lih ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. 

me win tfan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 

na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. 

nanatlale, it floating. 243-13. 

nasdillenne, it had gone back. 234-7. 


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323 


nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. 
noininyanne, that far they ate. 347-17. 
noxoslee, he is lost. 185-8. 
xolunsaanne, there was much. 165-12. 
da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 
119-16. 

dawillale, it was floating. 244-6. 

da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8. 

doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11. 

tcu wil la le, they were going along. 222-1. 

tcu win yanne, he has eaten. 311-11. 

ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 

kyo h«?al le, somebody hooking. 106-15. 

-tsu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or 
feeling, -tsu or -tse is suffixed to the verb. 

a) -tsu. 

an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13. 
a xol teit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. 
a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 
yayaiwim meLtsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 
342-14. 

na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 

na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 

na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. 

nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. 

hwii tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. 

xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. 

dil wa nw tsu, he heard croak. 112-12. 

du wen nee tsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3. 

tcit dil wauw tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. 

tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 

kya ten tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9. 

kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. 

kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. 

b) -tse. 

ul 16 tse, hot it felt. 329-12. 

un kya xo Lit wil siL tse, he heard heavy footsteps. 238-9. 


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» 


na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. 

ne iuw git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. 

kiL tu w tse, someone .splitting logs he heard. 108-5. 

kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. 

kyo du wjl tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 

-xo lan. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence, 
-xo lan is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already- 
completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The 
verb Le na nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the 
narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see 
it built. But Le na nil la xo lan, 186-1, indicates that the father 
following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that 
his son had built it. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root. 
ya ex xus xo lan, they fell over. 117-17. 

ye e il ton xo lan, birds used to jump in. 117-17. 
wa kin nil lit xo lan, they were burned through. 119-3. 
wa kin nin seL xo lan, it was heated through he saw. 
na na win un xo lan, he had taken down. 176-17. 
na nan deL xo lan, they had become. 119-12. 
na ten in xo lan, you looked it was. 238-6. 
na kit diL xo lan, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. 
no du win taL xo lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 
Le nal ditc tcwin xo lan din, it had grown together place. 
281-15. 

Le na nil la x5 lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 

xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. 

xal tcwin xo lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. 

da xo a di ya xo lan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. 

teL tcwen xo lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 

tee na il lin x5 lan, it used to run. 117-18. 

329-16. 

tcit tcit x5 lan, he died. 347-3. 

kyu win nan xo lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 
Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 325 

ya kyu wil kyan ne xo Ian, they found they were pregnant. 
278-3. 

me nai yl yawp e xo lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 
na at lu e xo lan, it had gone back. 234-11. 
na in nel le xo lan, he played he saw. 186-1. 
na na is ya e x5 lan, she could walk. 276-11. 
telenexolan, it had become. 187-5. 
tcis se teL wen e xo lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 
tcitteilqollexolan, it had crawled he saw. 185-12. 
tcit tes ya ye x6 lan, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. 
tcu win kya 6 we xo lan, he had become large he saw. 
186-6. 


-xo lun. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only 
in the fact that the evidence is more certain. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root. 

ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17. 
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. 
na nes da xo lun, he was sitting. 270-10. 
na nit dawc xo lun, it had .come back he. 267-7. 
na xo wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15. 
out. 272-10. 

na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 119-10. 
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5. 
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. 
ditstsenonillaxolun, it was pointed. 222-4. 
do iL tsun te xo lun, you can’t find it anywhere. 246-6. 
dd tin naiup x5 lun, he had not gone along. 174-5. 
ta des deL xb lun, they had come ashore. 101-2. 
ten tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 306-17. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 

ye win ya ye x5 lun, he had gone in. 118-5. 
win a e x5 lun, it was standing. 363-10. 
miL na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing with. 
292-11. 

na is dau we a xo lun, it had melted away. 236-1. 


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na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13. 
nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1. 

Le nul dite tcwen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8. 
sil len ne x5 lun, it had become. 97-4. 
da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. 
tas ya ye,xo lun, they had gone. 267-14. 

Conjunctional. 

-hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the effect of making 
it part of a subordinate temporal clause. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. 

ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

yexonunhit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. 

wilweLhit, after night. 300-17. 

na imc loi hit, I tie them up. 247-lf. 

na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. 

na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. 

naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating. 

noninunhit, when he finished (when he put it down). 

xaisxunhit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 

xonnaisdinnuhh.it, when he turned around. 278-12. 

sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

tee I yin hit, when he stands. 258-1. 

tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. 

tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 

tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. 

tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. 

tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. 

tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16. 

tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. 


Vol. 3] Goddard.—Morphology of the Hupa Language. 


327 


-miL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit. 
The examples given are few because it was usually viewed and 
recorded as a separate word. 

a in nu min, when the sun was here. 332-4. 

eilwilmin, in a day. 336-7. 

ye it xa min, at break of day. 356-14. 

yit da tcin e a miL, east the sun was then. 364-3. 

yl tsin e e a min, west the sun was. 333-4. 

wilweLmiL, after night. 238-8. 

win sel e miL, when it was warm. 342-7. 

min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. 

xot te duto litre nim miL, when it was dark. 347-9. 

sil len miL, nearly after. 319-2. 

sillintemiL, nearly was. 293-1. 

-tsit. This suffix which occurs but once means that the act 
expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before 
some other contemplated act. 

kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. 

Adverbial. 

-he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi¬ 
tional statement. It is comparable to English, “in the least,” 
or “ a bit, ’ ’ or French, ‘ ‘ pas, ’ ’ in negative clauses. 

yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. 

miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. 

xoi de ai na du win a he, (even if) they listen. 342-13. 

do a du win ne he, don’t say that. 175-1. 

do a du wun tel wis he, don’t be frightened. 356-2. 

dd wit tcwu we he, don’t cry. 169-13. 

do hiru wun nu wit lai he, don’t bring them to me. 230-13. 

tcu wl yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 

-ka, or -uk. These suffixes carry the force of ‘ 1 like,” “in the 
manner of.” 

aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2. 
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 
a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. 
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. 


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-xo sin. Neither the context nor the explanation of the inter¬ 
preters have satisfactorily explained the meaning or nature of 
this suffix. It seems to have the meaning of “some,” “many,” 
or “all.” It is possible that it is an old auxiliary verb which 
has largely lost its force. 

ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 
wun'nai din xo sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 
104-11. 

tsim ma xo sin fl x, it was quiet. 322-4. 
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. 
kit tuk kutc xo sin xo lan, they had been playing shinny he 
saw. 140-9. 

kyoL kis xo sin xo lan, spearing salmon they had been he 
saw. 140-11. 

-xo win sen, -xo win sin. These have the appearance of 
definite tenses of the preceding. 

yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. 
na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 
do xol me tsa xo win sin hirun, he may have no trouble. 
319-14. 

do xol me tsa xo win sin te, it will be easy for them. 282-1. 

tsim ma xo win sen, the noise stopped. 185-3. 

tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. 

tsu ma xo win sin, it was quiet. 306-2. 

kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 

ADVERBS. 

PLACE AND DIRECTION. 

a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other 
parts of speech; mostly connected with the cardinal points. 
in man, both sides. 104-5. 
yiman, across on the other side. 135-11. 
yimanyide, across and down. 271-12. 
yi man yit de, across to the north. 116-8. 
yi man ne yi nuk, across to the south. 98-8. 
yi man ne yi de, across to the north. 117-4. 
yi man ne yit de, across to the north. 116-5. 


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yi man ne yl tsin, across to the west. 116-14. 

yi man tcin, on the other side. 270-9. 

yi man tcin tcin, on the other shore. 135-12. 

yi na tcin, from the south. 98-3. 

yi nuk, south. 112-8. 

yi nuk a din, farther south. 112-3. 

yi nuk kai te, south along it will be. 223-5. 

yi nuk kai kut tcin, above the creek. 271-6. 

yi nuk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10. 

yi nuk ken tcin, to the south side. 333-1. 

yin na tcin, from the south. 121-2. 

yinne, in the ground. 106-3. 

yin nuk, south. 120-4. 

yin nuk kai yi duk, to the southeast. 141-10. 

yin nuk kut tcin, up-river on the bank. 226-7. 

yi da tcin, from the east. 102-13. 

yi da tcin, north of it. 119-13. 

yi de e kut tcin tcin, north a short way. 272-4. 

yi de e din, farther north. 363-5. 

yi de yi man tcin tcin, down river across. 321-1. 

yi de tcin tcin, on the lower side. 244-12. 

yi duk, east. 102-5. 

yi duk en tcin, above. 272-5. 

yidukkakai, along the Klamath. 317-2. 

yi duk ken tcin, above. 244-12. 

yit da tcin kai, up along. 267-13. 

yit de, north. 105-1. 

yit de e, north. 229-11. 

yit de en tcin, on the north side. 332-9. 

yit de yi man, down across. 321-8. 

yi tsin, down. 189-11. 

yit tsin, down. 104-4. 

yi tsin tcin, along up. 174-6. 

mexundin, close to. 170-16. 

mit duk, beside. 245-14. 

mit £au tcin tcin, on the back side. 102-9. 

nai, across. 179-7. 

nai, from there. 265-10. 


Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 22. 


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na, back. 97-12. 

nai yi na tcin, back from the south. 116-4. 

nai yi nuk, back south. 271-13. 

na yin na tcin, down from the south. 104-9. 

na yi nuk, south again. 105-6. 

ne djox ,, in the middle. 96-10. 

ne djit, the middle. 241-5. 

niu man, each side. 247-4. 

niL man ne, each side. 306-8. 

niLne djit, a liftle way from each other. 207-6. 

niL ne djox, near together. 229-7. 

nis sa, long way. 151-14. 

nis sate din, little way. 234-5. 

nuk kai, along. 106-15. 

xat, there. 278-8. 

xoi yi de, down a little. 347-2. 

xun din, close by. 170-13. 

din nun, facing. 136-6. 

din nun xo ye tcin, down the hillside. 272-3. 

dik gyun, here. 101-13. 

djenatcin, up. 166-3. 

kyan, is where. 329-4. 

b) Seemingly derived from demonstrative and interrogative 
elements. 

yeu, in the distance. 164-7. 

yo xo miL, from some place. 270-13. 

yot, there. 215-1. 

nai yeu xo min, from here and there a long way. 209-7. 

hai ya te, here it will be. 105-1. 

hai ya tcin, to that place. 

hai ya tcin te, there it will be. 282-16. 

hai yox, there. 305-8. 

hai yot, over there. 226-8. 

hai yuitf xo yi duk, up that way. 140-7. 

hai xat, where. 119-4. 

hai dai dit din, where. 151-4. 

haita, those places. 179-12. 


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dai hwd xo xo w, somewhere. 136-14. 

dai xo din xo ic, some place. 204-1. 

dai dit din yan, where. 244-6. 

dai dit din kl auir, where is it. 286-5. 

dai doir hirun, where. 217-8. 

dai dox, where. 164-17. 

dai dox xoik ke auw un, what place. 137-3. 

da un hire e, nowhere. 97-11. 

da xun hire e, somewhere. 223-2. 

dea x5 ta, this place. 101-5. 

deukuntedin, this kind of a place. 363-7. 

denowkut, to the sky. 137-18. 

de no w kut tcm, toward the sky. 137-13. 

den tcin, this shore. 139-16. 

de xo, this way. 348-3. 

de xo tse xun din, he is close by. 170-7. 

de de meuk, here around. 218-2. 

de de xo man tcin G x, right across from him. 186-12. 

c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a 
possessive. 

yon yl duk, in the corner. 246-9. 

yoneylduk, back of the fire. 220-11. 

min non a din, along side. 100-13. 

min dai, outside. 158-5. 

min dai uk, outside. 166-2. 

min dai tcin din, outside. 207-11. 

min kin Q x, back of the house. 165-18. 

mit La, behind. 289-14. 

mit dai miL, outside from. 238-12. 

mit daik, outside. 140-6. 

mik kin din, at its base. 287-1. 

muwatc, near. 210-5. 

muk kus, one side. 311-5. 

nintcin, down. 117-10. 

nin tcin fl x, ground toward. 306-17. 

no nin din, at our heads. 190-5. 

hirim mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9. 


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University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


hwit La din, behind me. 

xo Lan, where he was. 106-3. 

xdLanye, after him. 108-16. 

xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3. 

xonnii/din, ahead of her. 237-5. 

xon non ai din, along side of him. 202-2. 

xon tcin tcin, on the fire side. 307-6. 

xo dje din, in front of himself. 174-10. 

d) Derived from adjectives expressing number. 
a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17. 

a tin din, all over. 164-1. 

a tin din, everywhere. 96-5. 

a tin din min, from every place. 138-5. 

La a x5, one place. 100-1. 

La a ta, here and there. 120-16. 
min Lun xoi, ten places. 229-6. 
min Lun xo miL, ten places from. 209-8. 
na La, back. 105-8. 

e) Formed by means of prepositions. 

a din neuk tcin tcin, back of her. 307-5. 
mit ta din, among them. 307-12. 
mit tis din, farther. 234-4. 
m ik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. 
muk kut fl x, over it. 242-12. 
naiLkut, one over the other. 329-1. 
niL tcin, toward each other. 294-16. 
xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8. 
xwen neuk kut tcin, at her back. 276-7. 
takkut, bank along. 362-2. 
to tcin tcin, on the river side. 283-14. 
to kut Q x, water on. 301-4. 
tuk a tcin tcin, shore side. 283-16. 
tuk a tcin tcin, toward the land. 314-9. 
kut a x, all over. 325-4. 

f) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. 
iL kyu we din, all over. 365-9. 

ul kyo we din, everywhere. 228-1. 


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333 


ur kyu we, all over. 114-3. 

win te, all the way. 363-9. 

un run xwed din, everywhere. 159-4. 

un run xoi din miL, from everywhere. 230-9. 

no nau tse tcin, toward the doorway. 166-1. 

no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8. 

TIME AND SEQUENCE. 

a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts 
of speech. 

min ne djo xo mir, after a time. 137-2. 

mit diL wa, next. 106-9. 

nei djox, while. 114-11. 

hit djit, then. 

httrane, always. 157-12. 

xa, yet. 310-9. 

xa de dun, immediately. 163-18. 

xaditdun, soon. 176-16. 

xat, right. 278-8. 

xat, yet. 151-19. 

sa a, long time. 140-7. 

don ka, not yet. 204-4. 

don ka, before. 342-8. 

do sa a, a little while. 97-3. 

dun fl x, again. 104-9. 

dun xo, again. 221-12. 

djo, now. 108-14. 

ka de, after a while. 111-6. 

kun, too. 97-6. 

kut, now. 122-2. 

kut de, soon. 306-15. 

kut tin xo lietc, very quickly. 294-1. 

kut tsim miL, soon. 157-8. 

kl ye, again. 98-7. 

kiyedin, again. 217-14. 


334 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

b) Apparently derived from demonstrative a'nd interrogative 
elements. 

yu wit din hit un, at last. 222-2. 

yu din hit, finally. 109-15. 

yu din Jiit un, finally. 118-11. 

hai ya dun, right at that time. 343-3. 

hai man, always. 138-12. 

hai de5x, every time. 158-1. 

daundin, a long time. 174-12. 

dan, awhile ago. 234-4. 

da xun hw?o dun, long time ago. 180-7. 

deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7. 

de xd sin ne min, soon. 151-12. 

de xot tsit, a short time before. 186-9. 

ded, still. 119-4. 

ded, now. 101-6. 

dedeun, this time. 137-7. 

de de xo w, every time. 333-4. 

dedohwane, now only. 151-5. 

dedun, this time. 363-7. 

ded de xo w, right now. 239-1. 

det, now. 211-13. 

det, this time. 217-11. 

det xdw, now. 145-13. 

c) Containing nouns. 

LaaxuLe, all night long. 310-4. 

Laadjes, all day. 278-2. 

La djes, every day. 226-2. 

xuLe, in the night. 175-14. 

xuLeeimiL, after midnight. 179-3. 

xu Le dun, in the morning. 122-1. 

xu Le dun miL, in the morning. 311-5. 

xu Le dun din, early in the morning. 137-7. 

xuLetcin, at night. 336-5. 

d) Derived from adjectives expressing number. 

La a, once again. 244-11. 

Laaiux, at once. 98-2. 


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335 


La xo win te, all the time. 186-5. 
min Lun din, ten times. 216-6. 

Latsaxolun, many times. 286-10. 
na din, twice. 142-17. 

e) Formed by means of prepositions. 
meuk, when. 119-17. 

miL, then. 97-3. 

namukkaidin, last of all. 329-8. 
na muk kai din din, the last one. 113-4. 
nin nin din, ahead of yon. 111-12. 
na tse din, first. 112-17. 

f) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms. 
ye du win a min, pretty soon. 341-2. 

yis xan miL, when morning comes. 348-1. 

yis xan nei, days. 105-8. 

yis xun hit, in the morning. 137-16. 

yis xun de, to-morrow. 137-14. 

yis xun din din hit, next night after that. 238-11. 

wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13. 

win dun din, day before yesterday. 246-7. 

nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12. 

deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7. 

do iL wut, not all the time. 196-6. 

dd win sa ai, a little while. 115-13. 

do win sa ai miL, it was not long. 174-8. 

tse ets dim miL, in a little while. 294-1. 

tse ets din, a short time. 300-11. 

tse es dit din, a little while. 266-6. 

MANNER. 

a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other 
parts of speech. 

il lea xutc, wonderfully. 322-12. 

il lea xutc hit, wondrously fine. 341-14. 

La ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8. 

Lax, without reason. 136-14. 

Laxbkya, just like that. 314-11. 
man, for that reason. 257-4. 


336 


University of California Publications. [ Am - Arch. Eth. 


na mis fi x, in a circle. 244-9. 

nasdonxo, by itself. 351-6. 

xo, in vain. 98-4. 

xd djox, really. 235-15. 

xo tsin n? wan ne, softly. 153-6. 

xotc, right. 140-4. 

xotc, safely. 107-8. 

xotc djo xo din, still more. 292-8. 

xwed un, how. 174-13. 

xwed dik kya un te, how it looked. 210-9. 

b) Apparently derived from demonstrative, interrogative, 
and indefinite elements. 

hai yux, this way. 296-9. 

hai yux xo te, the same way will be. 356-9. 

hai yuk, so. 139-1. 

hai yuk hit un, this way it was. 366-1. 

hai yuk ka, that way. 113-15. 

hai yuk kan, that is the way. 197-6. 

hai yuk ke, that way. 282-2. 

dai dik ge auto un, for that reason. 135-4. 

da htoed un, why. 162-5. 

da xo htoe e, someway. 116-15. 

daxoh?oeekaihe, somehow. 101-10. 

daxok, bad way. 235-15. 

daxok, someway. 117-9. 

da xun htoo 6 w, in such a way. 109-11. 

da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2. 

da xwed hit, why. 150-3. 

daxweddeen, why wouldn’t it work. 180-15. 

da xwed dik kya, how. 223-10. 

da xwed dik ki auto, how. 116-10. 

da xwed duk, how. 100-14. 

da xwed duk kyau«o, how. 281-14. 

deox, this way. 96-11. 

deuk, so. 96-12. 

c) Containing nouns. 

yl duk a dim mit, belly up. 343-12. 


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337 


hicik ka, my way. 255-4. 
xoxaimiL, on foot. 362-2. 

d) Derived from a numeral. 
lu wun nin, alone. 171-6. 

e) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. 
a. dex xun un, without food. 110-4. 

a din na tau, not knowing it. 118-16. 
a tin fl k, like he was doing. 203-3. 
min na kit del kai, a leg each side. 120-5. 
na nin din wa, crosswise. 246-12. 
nittcwin fl x, ill. 181-11. 
ni kyaux, hard. 158-1. 
nu hicon fl x, properly. 247-11. 
do ne htcon fl x, badly. 166-12. 

DEGREE. 

a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other 
parts of speech. 

a- in a Luk kai, so white. 347-6. 
min ne djit, half way. 115-15. 

Lax, almost. 104-11. 

Laxonneen, so much he mourned. 175-12. 
min ne gits, a little. 101-15. 
hwa nan, only. 336-11. 

Inca ne, all. 164-9. 

Inca ne he, only. 362-6. 
htcun, only. 109-12. 
xoto, about. 199-2. 
xo djox, more. 189-6. 
daditdin, worse. 346-10. 
da din Lan, more. 238-10. 

xa- in the following: 

xauLkyo, that much. 157-12. 

xa ul kyd fl x, that much. 346-9. 

xa un Lun, so many. 110-12. 

xa un Lun, just as many. 311-15. 

xa un Lun te, it will be that much. 260-17. 


338 


University of California Publications. L Am - Arch. Eth. 


tin- in the following words: 

xo tin un Lun, even many. 334-10. 
tin a in das tse, very heavy. 121-8. 
tin ai kin te, very long. 283-15. 
tinistik, was very narrow. 314-2. 
tin un Lun, very many. 305-1. 
tin nik kyaux, very much. 338-6. 
tin tcin hicon, good looking. 220-7. 

b) Derived from, or resembling in form, the conjugated ad¬ 
jectives. 

uLtsa, that far. 311-7. 
unkyo, (so) big. 108-18. 
nan, much. 192-11. 

min ne djox ul tsa, half way down that far. 220-4. 

xon Lun, enough. 322-10. 

xo da xwed un Lun, how many soever. 307-12. 

daunhwott/, so large. 121-10. 

da xun hicow,', so. 108-18. 

do nan, little. 233-2. 

t&xmhwbw, so much. 145-3. 

fa xun htt?6 ow, so large. 276-5. 

til teox, much. 353-10. 

ASSENT AND NEGATION. 

a) Assent. 

an, yes. 121-1. 

heiyun, yes. 102-15, 351-9. 

he don, at least. 361-8. 

dl ye, yes. 152-14. 

don, it is. 104-14. 

kan, it was. 341-7. 

ke, let. 104-16. 

kun nan, I am the one. 205-1. 

kut don, it is true. 351-9. 

b) Negation. 

dau, no. 106-9. 
dau, not. 118-9. 


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339 


PREPOSITIONS. 

In this case as in many others the order of the Hnpa is the 
reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed 
after the nouns they limit, but they follow a pronoun which, 
uniting with them, forms a single word. 

-a, for, for the benefit of. 
ya xwa, for them. 258-8. 
ma, for it. 215-8. 
ma, for them. 217-7. 
na, for you. 
neha, for us. 
no ha, for you (plu). 
hwa, for me. 107-12, 351-9. 
xwa, for him. 
xwa, for them. 110-9. 
xwa xun, for whom. 165-14. 

-an, out of. 

xo an, out of her. 342-8. 

-e, in. 

me, in. 96-4, 97-11. 
me, in it. 101-15. 
deme, in (in this). 97-11. 
e din, without, lacking, 
e din, without. 257-5. 
xontaedin, house without. 192-14. 

Compare, mite dje e din, without mind, infant. 

-u, under, near. 

meu, under. 106-13, 145-12. 
meu, beside. 169-4. 
xoi u, under him. 114-15. 
xoi u, in front of him. 171-7. 
teu, under water. 100-7. 

-ye, at the foot of, under. 

a di ye, under himself. 221-4. 
mi ye, foot of it. 104-4. 
mi ye, under. 175-6. 
xoi ye, before him. 141-1. 
xoi ye, near him. 150-8. 


340 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


-win na, around, encircling, 
mu win na, around. 104-6. 
min na, around. 100-11. 

-wun, to or toward; from, 
wun, for. 102-8. 
wun, from it. 190-1. 
no wun, from us. 162-6, 207-11. 
nuwun, to you. 208-12. 
htcowun, from me. 106-6. 
hico wun, to me. 113-16. 
hum wun, from me. 185-8. 
xowun, to him. 97-1. 

-lai, on top. 

mil lai, on top. 166-4,208-16. 

Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11. 

-Ian, with the help of, in the company of. 
nil Ian, help you. 107-4. 
nil lan, with you. 319-6. 
hicil lan, help me. 105-17. 
xollan, with him. 319-4. 
dohicillan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5. 

-l, with. 

inwaux, with each. 360-2. 
miL, with. 98-1. 
min, in. 101-7. 
niL, with you. 275-3. 
hai miL, of that. 295-4. 
htciL, with me. 114-11. 
xol, with him. 116-6. 
xdL, with them, 
de miL, from. 208-11. 
denohoL, from us. 116-5. 

-na, after, to get. 

xonna, for him. 117-1. 

-naL, in the presence of. 

hwnn naL, in my presence. 117-13, 295-1. 
xonnaL, before him. 97-10,337-18. 


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341 


-nat, around. 

a din nat, around himself. 121-11. 
min nat, around. 104-15. 
min na, around. 100-11. 
no nat, us around. 100-11. 
x6n nat, around her. 185-2. 

-xa, for, after. 

adoxa, for your stuff. 187-6. 
mux xa, after it. 97-9, 119-14. 
muxxa, after them. 98-13. 
noxa, for us. 351-4. 
no xa, after us. 192-9. 
no xa, after you. 145-9. 
xd xa, for him. 140-7. 

-xuts, beside, near. 

min xuts, beside. 118-7. 
kin xuts, beside her. 118-3. 

-ta, among. 

mitta, over. 118-16. 
mit tax, amongst. 310-10. 
mitta din, in. 170-10. 
mitta din, among. 217-9. 

-tis, over. 

mittis, over. 109-14, 276-5. 

Compare, mit tis, besides. 195-10. 
xo tis, over him. 121-10. 
xo tis, over them. 207-10. 

-tuk, between. 

mit tuk, between. 108-9. 
no tuk, between us. 
kintukkai, sticks between. 99-9. 
kit te tuk, horns between. 162-2. 

-ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is 
found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com¬ 
parison. 


342 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. 


min ta kai, in the woodroom. 182-1. 

min tsit da kai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7. 

xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed). 347-13. 

xon na de kai ta, his legs too (he rubbed). 347-14. 

xon nis te ka, his throat down. 118-1. 

xot tsel kai, from under his arms. 143-4. 

kai, through. 136-3. 

kai, along. 139-13. 

xunnukka, river along. 211-14. 

-tcin, toward. 

a dit tcin, to himself. 106-16. 

adit tcin, on himself. 175-8,153-4. 

me tcin, in. 97-3. 

mite tcin, to it. 111-15. 

nintcin, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10. 

xotcin, to him. 97-2. 

x5 tcin, toward her. 98-9. 

xon ta tcin, houses among. 200-2. 

-tcin a, in front of. 

mite tcin a, in front of. 96-9, 97-2. 
xotcin a, in front of him. 113-8. 

-ka, or -kai, after, following, 
muk ka, after. 98-4. 
muk kai, on their account. 301-12. 
xoka, after her. 137-10. 
xokai, after him. 96-5,174-11,135-10. 

-kya, -kya tcin, away from. 

mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. 
mik kya tcin, away from them. 200-1. 
hidkkya, from me. 266-15. 
htdk kya tcin, from me. 307-7. 
xoi kya tcin, from them. 

-kut, -kut tcin, on. 

iL kut, one over the other. 118-1. 
muk kut, on. 104-8. 
muk kut, to it. 145-1. 
nuk kut tcin, on you. 106-10. 


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343 


ktcik kut tein, on me. 105-18, 162-14. 
xo xut, on him. 159-10, 165-5. 
xo kut tein, 163-15. 
kut, on. 97-13, 159-7. 
kut tein, on. 195-4. 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

The ceuj unctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra¬ 
tives, or ; d, ^rbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end 
with Cie syllable -un. There is good reason to believe that its 
absence is an omission due to rapid speech, 
hai un, and. 116-2. 

haiyan, and (perhaps for hai yamiL). 96-4. 

hai yan un, and (perhaps for hai ya miL un). 97-13. 

hai yamiL, and. 96-6. 

hai ya miL un, and. 96-2. 

hai ya hit djit un, and then. 96-5. 

haiyadetc, and then. 257-3. 

INTERJECTIONS. 

a, 138-12. 
a 151516, 109-17. 
e, 105-15. 

ewak, poor fellow. 187-1. 
i, 181-10. 

ul 16, hot, a cry of pain from a burn. 329-9. 
ul 15, hurts. 153-14. 
ye, 209-11. 
ye he, 223-1. 

wu, (call for deer). 195-5. 

wutte, (imitation of the call of a bird). 100-5. 

he, 204-13. 

xe, 337-9. > 

xei, 241-7. 

dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow). 144-3. 

dul, 108-16. 

djo, take it. 111-8. 

tso, 153-12. 

ka, (imitation of the call of the crow). 114-7. 


344 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


CONCLUSION. 

After an extended examination of the Hupa language, it is 
apparent that a language having the most elaborate morphologi 
cal structure is not essentially different from an isolating lan¬ 
guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the 
simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the 
sentence. In neither case does the element itself have independ¬ 
ent value. Complete groups of elements are required to ex¬ 
press thought. The mind seizing upon these groups classifies 
them according to the analogy of tfieir form and meaning or 
function. In one case, the conjugation is composed of morpho¬ 
logical groups, , in the other of syntactical groups. 

The difference is, in .part, artificial, due to the method of 
writing the languages. In English, I love him, is written, but 
I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write 
English from hearing it spoken, without a knowledge of the ac¬ 
cepted English orthography, would write many sentences as 
single words. The real difference lies in the greater degree of 
phonetic assimilation, in the one case, which has taken place be¬ 
tween the sounds brought into contact by the fixed sentence 
order, and the greater vividness, in the other, in which the mind 
holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to 
the completed group. 

The Hupa verb seems to be nothing else than a complete sen¬ 
tence, the parts of which have become, or always were, fused to¬ 
gether. The parts of speech occurring outside of the verb are the 
noun, in every language independent in form and meaning, ap¬ 
parently originally monosyllabic; and numeral, pronominal, 
demonstrative, and interjectional elements. These are for the 
most part appositional in their use, giving greater definiteness to 
the sense already fully expressed in the sentence-verb. 


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